Criterios para la valorización de indicadores ambientales

The affinal kin register in Dhimal involves distinct conjugational affixes to index the social relation between kin groups (cf. King 1998). Aside from linguistic coding, this relationship may also be marked by prescribed behaviours, such as avoidance and distinct greetings upon meeting. Diagram 8 contains the conjugational paradigm for the affinal register.

perfective past imperf. future inceptive

1s -hoi-gya -ghya -khya -aŋ-kya -khoi-kya

2s -hoi-nya -nhya -khe-nya -a-nya -khoi-nya

1s -hoi-ga-nyo -gha-nyo -kha-nyo -ã-nyo -khoi-ka-nyo

1d -hoi-niŋ-nyo -nhiŋ-nyo2 -khe-niŋ-nyo -a-niŋ-nyo -khoi-niŋ-nyo

1p -nha-hoi-nyo -nha-hi-nyo -nha-khe-nyo -aŋ-nyo -nha-khoi-nyo

2d -hoi-niŋ-nyo -nhiŋ-nyo -khe-niŋ-nyo -a-niŋ-nyo -khoi-niŋ-nyo

2p -su-hoi-na-nyo -su-nha-nyo -su-khe-na-nyo -su-a-na-nyo -su-khoi-na-nyo

3 -hoi-nyo -hi-nyo -khe-nyo -aŋ-nyo -khoi-nyo

Diagram 8 Affinal kin register agreement paradigm

In contrast to many politeness systems, the Dhimal affinal register does not distinguish a social hierarchy, but rather encodes the reciprocal relationship between in-laws. It is used between a) a man and his wife’s senior relatives, and b) between the parents of a husband and wife. In this social domain, all utterances contain affinal marking, and it is considered disrespectful to use forms from the unmarked paradigm.

Relations between a man and his senior in-laws are characterised by respect, distance and the maintenance of social harmony. In contrast to those in-laws who are senior to him in age, a man has a joking relationship with his wife’s younger siblings, hishuigo(wife’s younger brother) andhulme(wife’s younger sister), and affinal forms 2 _{The past tense second person singular, and first and second person dual have}

are not used between them. Although a man must employ this register with his senior in-laws, and vice-versa, a woman calls her mother and father-in-law amai and aba(mother and father) rather than jube and

juwa (mother and father-in-law). Neither does she use the affinal register with her in-laws, nor they with her.

In the standard paradigm, the Dhimal verb inflects for person and number of the subject. In the affinal register, however, every form encodes the marked relationship between speaker and addressee. Only the first person singular informal and second person singular employ distinct subject agreement morphemes. All others are indexed for this relationship by the addressee suffix <-nyo>.

4.6.12.1First person singular affinal

basic morph: <-kya>

label: 1sH

basic morph: <-gya>

label: P.1sH

In the affinal register, first and second person singular are indexed by

portemanteaumorphemes indicating person, number, tense or aspect, and the affinal register. For participants in this register, the suffix <-kya> encodes an informal first person singular in the future, irrealis and inceptive, with a portemanteau morpheme <-khya> in the imperfective. In the perfective and past, an informal first person singular has a voiced morpheme <-gya>, which occurs as <-ghya> in the past.

356 kya jumni lo-aŋ-kya.

I.H tomorrow come-FUT-1sH

I’ll come tomorrow.

357 kya hate hane-khya.

I.H bazaar go-IMPF.1sH

First person also makes an informal vs. formal register distinction. The difference between the two is the degree of familiarity between the participants. If persons requiring the affinal register are seen on a regular, perhaps daily basis, then the informal form will tend to be used. When the relation is only seen on occasion, because he or she lives in a distant village for example, then the more formal and polite form with the addressee suffix tends to be used.

4.6.12.2Second person singular affinal

basic morph: <-nya>

label: 2sH

A second person singular in the affinal register is indexed by the morpheme <-nya>. In the past tense, a breathy morpheme <-nhya> occurs.

358 nya hiso hane-khe-nya?

yous.H whither go-IMPF-2sH

Where are yousgoing?

359 ma-am-lau buŋ rhu:-li goi-a-nya. NEG-drink-TEM also take-INF must-FUT-2sH

Even though yousdon’t drink, youswill have to accept it.

4.6.12.3Affinal addressee

basic morph: <-nyo>

label: ADR

When the subject is not an informal first person singular or a second person singular, this relationship is marked on the verb with the addressee suffix <-nyo>. In the Dhimal affinal system, the verb indexes deference to the addressee, in addition to any subject markers. The informal first person singular is not marked with the addressee suffix in spite of the fact that it falls into the addressee

category since the relationship is already indexed by <-kya> and the other first person singular morphemes. The following examples illustrate the use of the addressee suffix.

360 gora am-li kera ca:-gha-nyo.

alcohol drink-INF oath take-P.1s-ADR

I swore off drinking alcohol. 361 kya ma-am-kha-nyo.

I.H NEG-drink-IMPF.1s-ADR

I don’t drink.

362 kya dəmək han-ã-nyo.

I.H Damak go-FUT.1s-ADR

I will go to Damak.

363 kiŋ-ko pəriwar bigir-hi-nyo.

I.H.OBL-GEN family be.broken-P-ADR

My family is broken down.

The addressee suffix exhibits distributional properties that distinguish it from the simple agreement forms. The morpheme<-nyo> behaves more like a clitic, in that it can adhere to non-finite and non-verbal elements. In the following examples, the affinal addressee suffix adheres to an adverbial, a nominalised verb and a vocative.

364 mane insa-ŋ-nyo.

meaning thus-EMP-ADR

The meaning is like this.

365 ku-nu haipali kera ca:-ka-nyo? COP-COND why oath take-NOM-ADR

366 aba-nyo!

father-ADR

Oh father!