"There can be no science of so ciety t i l l th e f a c t s about so ciety are av ailab le. T i l l 130 y e a rs ago we had no census, no knowledge even of th e numbers and growth of th e people; t i l l f i f t e e n y e a rs ago we had no comprehensive re c o rd s about unemployment even i n th i s country, and oth e r c o u n trie s a re s t i l l where we were, a g en e ra tio n or more ago; so c ia l s t a t i s t i c s of every kind - about trad e, wages, consumption - a re everywhere i n t h e i r infancy.
..."From Copernicus to Newton i s 150 years. Today, 150 y e a rs from th e Wealth o f N ation s, we have not found, and should not expect to fin d, the Newton of economics. I f we have tra v e lle d as f a r as Tycho Brahe we may be content. Tycho was both a th e o r i s t and an observer. As a th e o ris t, he believed to h is l a s t day in th e y ear 1601 th a t th e p la n e ts went round the sun and th a t the sun and the s t a r s went round th e earth as th e fix ed c e n tre of the universe. As an observer, he made w ith i n f i n i t e p atien ce and in t e g r it y thousands of records. of the s ta r s and p la n e ts; upon these records, Kepler, in due course, based h i s la w s and b ro u g h t th e t r u t h t o l i g h t s . I f we w i l l ta k e Tycho Brahe fo r our example, we may find encouragement also. I t m a tte rs l i t t l e how wrong we are w ith our e x is tin g th e o rie s, i f we a re honest and c a re fu l w ith our o b serv atio ns'1.
E x tra c ts frcm Lord B ev erid g e's fa re w e ll address as D irector of th e London School of Economics, 24th June 1937; frcm "An In tro d u c tio n to P o sitiv e Economics" (1966 , 2nd E d ition , R. G. Lipsey, Weidenfeld and Ni col son, London)
CHAPTER 3
T heoretical Framework Socio-Cultural Theory and Context S o c io -c u ltu ra l theory
The dynamics of so ciety and of th e c u ltu ra l elem ents in any given so ciety are a fundamental c o n sid e ra tio n i n th e understanding and r a ti o n a l i s a t i o n of i t s development. The degree of d if f e r e n tia t io n of these c u ltu r a l elem ents and th e r a p id ity and d ir e c tio n of th e ir change i s li k e ly to be a s ig n if ic a n t f a c to r in ex p lan atio n not only of th e fu n ctio n in g of th a t so ciety a t any given point i n tim e, but also of th e a b i l i t y and speed w ith which the so c ie ty a s a whole can develop and adapt to changing circum stances. Examined i n a developmental way, a s a sequence over tim e, such m a tte rs provide an understanding of past changes i n a wide v a r ie ty of re la tio n s h ip s ; between people, w ith in h ie ra rc h ie s , and i n r e l a t i o n to land, f o r in stan ce. As such th e re i s some p o s s i b ili ty th a t, given an adequate understanding of th ese developments and th e ca u sa tiv e fa c to rs, some comments may be made le a d in g to accu rate p re d ic tio n of fu tu re change, and to some measure of co n tro l of d ir e c tio n of change.
C u ltu re and c u l t u r a l background in c o r p o r a te a w ide ra n g e o f a t t i t u d e s , preconceptions and r e la tio n s h ip s which o perate a t many d if f e r e n t l e v e l s The im portance of c u ltu r e from a development point o f view was w e ll-s ta te d by F ir th :
MI f we understand c u ltu re a s a symbolic system - a fram e of id e as and em otional a t t i t u d e s fo r re p re s e n tin g and coping w ith the world - then d if f e r e n t c u ltu re s, i.e. d if f e r e n t symbolic systems, mean d if f e r e n t fram es fo r seeing the world, planning actio n , arran gin g events.'^
The comprehension of c u ltu re com prises a m u lti-fa c e te d gem which re q u ire s more d e ta ile d a p p re c ia tio n and a n a ly s is the c lo se r one g e ts to i t ; the s e c re t of success being i n th e cu ttin g . I t i s im p ortan t th a t adequate ap p ro p ria te c u ts a re made to e x tr a c t the maximum p o te n tia l b r illia n c e from th e raw stone. The a b i lit y to do t h i s su c c e ssfu lly i s dependent upon an understanding of th e s t r u c t u r e of th e s to n e and upon th e la w s of p h y sic s. I t i s s i m i l a r l y im portant when looking a t th e dynamics of so ciety th a t an a p p ro p ria te le v e l of exam ination i s chosen Social an th ro p o lo g y h a s i d e n t i f i e d many d i f f e r e n t l e v e l s a s a p p r o p r ia te f o r stu dy . These ran g e i n any g iv e n c o n te x t from
n a t i o n a l , r e g io n a l, l o c a l , r a c e , c la n , and f a m ily , th ro u g h t o i n d i v id u a l le v e ls . W ithin these groupings and sub-groupings the p erce p tiv e f i l t e r s of th e research e r and th o se of th e researched a re co m plicating f a c to rs , and th e r e s u ltin g sta te m e n ts in e v ita b ly tend to r e f l e c t th is .^ This i s not to decry such work, however, a s i t forms an im portant elem ent of background knowledge i n th e s u b j e c t m a tte r , even i f u n li k e ly i n i t s e l f t o g iv e d e f i n i t i v e p re d ic tio n s and in d ic a tio n s fo r fu tu re a c tio n
The fa c to rs causing changes in cu ltu re , and the r e s u l t s of such change fo r the system w ith in which th e c u ltu r a l groupings and subgroupings have t h e i r being are key in d ic a to r s i n the dynamics of so ciety.
R eturning to F ir th , one of th e most eminent of so c ia l a n th ro p o lo g is ts who has worked i n the South P a c ific ;
"A nother way t o lo o k a t s o c i a l a c t i o n i s i n te r m s o f i t s o rgan isation . The s tr u c tu re provides a framework f o r actio n . But c irc u m s ta n c e s p ro v id e a lw a y s new com binations of fa c to rs. Fresh choices open, f re s h d ecisio n s have to be made, and th e r e s u l t s a f f e c t th e so c ia l a c tio n of o th e r people in a r ip p le movement which may go f a r b e fo re i t i s s p e n t. U su a lly t h i s ta k e s p la c e w i t h i n th e s tr u c tu ra l framework, but i t may carry a c tio n rig frt o u tsid e i t . I f such dep artu re from the s tru c tu re tends to be permanent, we have one form of s o c ia l change.
At aqy given tim e i t should be po ssible, th e re fo re , to take a so c ie ty and to i d e n t i f y th e e x i s t i n g s o c i a l s t r u c t u r e . T h is may c o m p rise one o r more c u ltu r a l groupings, each w ith t h e i r own id e n tif ie d framework f o r actio n , which has evolved out of the in te r n a l and ex te rn a l p ressu res th a t re s p e c tiv e ly have been generated w ith in and imposed upon th a t c u ltu r a l grouping. These in te r n a l and e x tern al p ressu res develop and change over time. Where they impinge upon, or a l t e r th e co n d itio n s of th e id e n tif ie d framework f o r a c tio n i t i s lik e ly t h a t th e r e w i l l be change. Such change w i l l be c o n d itio n e d by th e p re e x is tin g framework, but th e re w ill, n o n e-th e-less, be a range of p o ssib le outcomes. Changes i n needs and requirem ents, or a t l e a s t perceived changes; redundancy of c e r t a in c u ltu r a l t r a i t s ; exposure to a lte r n a tiv e value systems; in te r a c tio n and co m p etitio n w ith o th er c u ltu r a l groupings, may a l l be dynamic in s ti g a to r s of s o c ia l change.
I t i s inappropriate t o r e f e r to d e f in itiv e s e ts of dynamic i n s ti g a to r s when any reasonable view of any so c ie ty w ill be im pressed by th e alm ost constant s ta t e of flux or dynamic im balance presented when th e a p p ro p ria te le v e l and depth of an aly sis i s employed. I t i s , however, u sefu l to co nceptualise not only how a given so c ie ty and i t s c u ltu r a l groupings are seen, but a lso how
S o ciety i n lo co
C u ltu ral groups C1, C2 » Cn fo rc e s e x te rn a l --- > a c tio n s e x te rn a l < --- p erce p tiv e coding
and decoding. Sample fa c to rs o f change a t in te r s o c ie ta l/in te r - n a tio n a l le v e l R eligion s and id e o lo g ie s t-fess communications Ccmmerce and m arkets Corquest
P o lit ic s and p o lic ie s Access to re so u rc e s Legal frameworks they are seen to be changing a s i n F igure 3.1.
/ x x
Figure 3. 1: Society i n loco
The co ncept of s o c ie t y i s th u s o f a s e t c o m p ris in g one o r m ore c u l t u r a l groupings, su b ject, i n th e modern w orld to the o p e ra tio n of e x te rn a l fo rc e s which a ffe c t th e wsy in which i t a c t s These fo rc e s may a c t a t any le v el, from the so ciety through to th e in d iv id u a l, and may to an ex te n t be su b je c t dependent where th e su b ject in q u e s tio n has adequate re so u rc e s to d ic ta te adjustm ents or to e x e rt co n tro l over such ex te rn a l f o r c e s The im p acts of such fo rc e s are determ ined by th e processes of p erce p tiv e coding and decoding of th e so ciety i n q u e stio n which may be m a te ria lly a ffe c te d according to in te r n a l c u ltu r a l groupings
Given lim ite d reso u rces a v a ila b le to any given so ciety , th e c u ltu r a l groups which comprise th a t s o c ie ty w i l l fin d them selves i n a s itu a tio n where they have access o r t i t l e to c e r ta in re s o u rc e s D iffe re n t c u ltu r a l groups w ill
q u ite possibly have d if f e r e n t degrees of access to d if f e r e n t reso u rces, a t l e a s t in a ll but the most thorough of communistic regim es, and indeed t h i s may be incorporated i n s ta tu to ry or o th e r le g a lly determ ined r e la tio n s h ip s .^ i f th e requirem ents or needs of the c u ltu r a l groups i n r e l a t i o n to th e resou rces, o r t h e i r fram e of id e a s and e m o tio n a l a t t i t u d e s , o r any o th e r key f a c t o r changes, then th e re w ill be d is e q u ilib riu m which w ill r e q u ir e re s o lu tio n , r e s u ltin g in adjustm ent throughout th e system. These balances and fo rc e s w i t h i n a s o c ie ty and b etw een th e c u l t u r a l g ro u p s a r e a ls o s u b j e c t t o th e p erceptive coding and decoding of th e c u ltu r a l group i n q u e s tio n a s i n Figure 3 .2 .
C u lt u r a l g r o u p s i n l o c o C u ltu ral groups C-j, C^, Cn i n t e r c u l t u r a l fo rc e s and a c tio n s p erce p tiv e coding and decoding ^ Sam ple f a c t o r s o f change
a t i n t e r c u l t u r a l l e v e l R elig io n s and id e o lo g ie s Mass ccmmunications Commerce and m arkets Conquest P o l i t i c s and p o lic ie s Access t o re so u rc e s Legal frameworks P opulation F ig u r e 3 . 2 : C u ltu r a l g r o u p s i n l o c o
Depending upon th e le v e l a t which th e c u ltu r a l groupings hacve been defined t h e r e w i l l be scope f o r dynam ic change w i t h i n th e g ro u p a s i n F ig u re 3.3. Impetus fo r change w ill r e s u lt from s im ila r f a c to r s to those suggested above, and j u s t as th e re may be some framework fo r change w ith in a s o c ie ty , so th e re w i l l be a t l e a s t an im p lie d fram ew o rk from th e p a s t w hich w i l l te n d t o id e n tif y the li k e ly bounds of a c tio n f o r the c u ltu r a l group.
In tra c u ltu ra l development C ultu ral group C-j
Time period t-j, t 2 perceived change i n circum stances Sam ple f a c t o r s o f ch an ge a t I n t r a c u l t u r a l l e v e l R eligions and id e o lo g ie s Mass communi c a tio n s Commerce and m arkets P o lit ic s and p o lic ie s Legal frameworks P opulation
F ig u r e 3 . 3 : C hanges w i t h i n a c u l t u r a l grou p
T h ere i s , t h e r e f o r e , i n any s o c ie t y a system and h ie r a r c h y w hich i s i n a constant s ta te o f f lu x r e s u lt in g from changes in circum stances and changes i n p erceptio ns o p erativ e a t any or a l l of a v a rie ty of le v e ls . The im pact and r e s u l t s of any such changes may, and indeed probably w ill , vary enormously w ith in the system.
S o cio -cu ltu ral context
I t i s im portant i n th e f i r s t place to id e n tify th e c u ltu r a l groupings and subgroupings th a t a re of rele v an ce i n the p resent context. In so doing i t i s , how ever, acknow ledged t h a t any such i d e n t i f i c a t i o n w i l l n e c e s s a r i l y be a rb itr a ry and su b je c tiv e .
The f a c t t h a t , by a lm o s t any y a r d s t i c k , th e p eo p le of F i j i do n o t form a s in g le homogeneous c u ltu r a l group i s adequately i l l u s t r a t e d by th e f a c t th a t even now, f i f t e e n y e a rs a f t e r Independence, th e c itiz e n s of F i j i have not found an acceptable term fo r them selves a s members of a s in g le n atio n s ta te . Only an " in d ig e n o u s ” F i j i a n i s l a n d e r i s p r o p e rly te rm e d " F ijia n " . I t i s i n t e r e s t i n g t o n o te t h a t t h i s . p e r c e p tio n a p p e a rs t o e x te n d t o th e in te rn a tio n a l le v e l w ith in th e P a c ific . R.G. Crocombe w rote i n 1975 on "the P a c ific Way":
i<A r e a l dilemma occurs i n re sp e c t of those Asians and Europeans who w ere b o rn and b ro u g h t up i n th e is l a n d s . . By g eo grap hy and c i t i z e n s h i p they a r e i s l a n d e r s , and i n F i j i , w here su ch p eo p le s lig h tly outnumber the indigenous F ijia n s , Ratu S ir Kamisese Mara has spoken of the P a c ific Way a s accommodating and acc ep tin g a l l these people w ith in a harmonious, m u lti- r a c ia l context. But so f a r th i s no tio n has not gained wide acceptance, e ith e r i n F i j i or elsew here in th e P acific. Whether i t w i l l be achieved i n fu tu r e rem ains t o be seen".^
There i s th e re fo re a fundamental com p artm en talisatio n o f F i j i so c ie ty which i s recognised in F i j i , i n th e P a c ific , and indeed elsew here. The dem arcation by which these c u ltu r a l groups a re perceived i s most commonly on r a c i a l lin e s ; " F i j i a n ”, " In d ia n " , "European", e t c .. There a r e s tr o n g r e a s o n s f o r ta k in g t h i s broad c u ltu r a l view p a r tic u la r ly in connection w ith th e land issu e , a s land tenure d is tr i b u tio n d iv id es n eatly on the same lin e s . I t i s , however, also im portant to acknowledge th a t members of th ese groups o fte n id e n tif y w ith c u ltu r a l subgroups on c e r ta in o th e r is s u e s ; fo r example, "Indians", r e la tin g to th e i r d ia le c ta l and c u ltu r a l d iffe re n c e s as Tam ils or G u je ra tis , or to th e ir r e lig io u s d iffe re n c e s a s Hindu or Moslem.
Looking through th e h is to ry of F i j i 's development i t i s p o s sib le to id e n tif y how the d if f e r e n t c u ltu r a l groups have developed, and how, contemporaneously, t h e i r r e l a t i o n s h i p w ith th e la n d h a s a l t e r e d i n v e ry b ro ad te rm s i n th e context of the post Cession d is tr ib u tio n of freeh o ld or eq u iv alen t tenure.
D istrib u tion o f Land Tenure
Native Land Crown Land Freehold Land
3,715,550 acre s 426,510 acre s 368,390 a c re s
8 2 .5% 9.5% 856
Table 3 . 1: D istrib u tio n o f freehold or equivalent tenure (Source: N ative Land T rust Board Annual Report 1976)
D ate C u ltu r a l Group R e la t io n s h ip w it h la n d /T e n u r e pre-European in d ig e n o u sF ijia n co n tact T r a d itio n a l/c u s to m a r y w id e ly v a r y in g E arly contact post Cession 19th Century L ate 19th/ Early 20th Century indigenous F iji a n European indigenous F iji a n European indigenous F iji a n European
ind en tu red In d ian
20 th Century indigenous F ijia n
European In dian
T rad itio n al/cu sto m ary w idely varying A cq uisition/purchase of "freehold" A djudicated and stan d ard ise d
tr a d i ti o n a l/c u s t cmary A djudicated freeh o ld , n a tiv e
and crown le ase h o ld
A djudicated and sta n d a rd ise d t r ad i tio n a l/c u s t anary
A djudicated and acquired freeh o ld , n a tiv e and crown le a se h o ld Labourers, le s s e e s /s u b le s s e e s
but predominantly lic e n s e e s of. Colonial Sugar R efin ers Co. Ltd. In creasin g ly acquired freeh o ld ,
n a tiv e and Crown le a se h o ld A djudicated and stan d ard ise d
t r a d itio n a l/o u s t cmary
Acquired freeh o ld , n a tiv e and crown leaseh o ld
A djudicated and acqu ired freeh o ld , n a tiv e and crown le a se h o ld Acquired freeh o ld , n ativ e
and crown leaseh o ld
T a b le 3 . 2 : C u ltu r a l r e l a t i o n s h i p s w it h la n d
P rio r to th e a r r iv a l of European tr a d e r s th e people of F i j i liv e d i n a v illa g e based society. There was ty p ic a lly a f a i r l y stro n g but f le x i b le h ierarch y based upon th e tr a d i ti o n a l r e la tio n s h ip s between d if f e r e n t groupa These re la tio n s h ip s , the p o s itio n s of in d iv id u a ls w ith in both h ie ra rch y and group, th e ex ten t of land c o n tro lle d under a p a r tic u la r hierarchy,and th e c u ltu ra l re la tio n s h ip w ith th e land, w h ils t co n tro lle d by custom were also su b je c t to change. I t has been observed th a t th e E astern h a lf of th e group was su b ject to g re a te r Polynesian in flu en ce, p re d o m in a n tly th ro u g h Tongan i n c u r s i o n s , which re s u lte d i n more extended and more r ig id h ie ra rc h ie s th a n w ere to be found i n the mere M elanesian West.^
There were, th e re fo re , varying degrees of in h e re n t change c a te re d fo r i n th e system a t th a t tim e, to g e th e r w ith a lim ite d element of e x te rn a l in flu en ce on c e r ta in parts.
in tro d u ce a number of th e ir c u ltu r a l c h a r a c te r is tic s ; some fo rc ib ly , some by persuasion and b rib ery , and some by exampla The most s ig n if ic a n t c u ltu ra l changes introd uced involved r e l i g i o n and e d u c a tio n , com merce, and r a t h e r d if f e r e n t s e ttle m e n t form s and concepts of man-land re la tio n s h ip s .
The group of is la n d s was ceded to G reat B r ita in i n 1874 when the o ffe r by a co n fed eratio n of c h ie fs under the Cakobau Government was f i n a l l y accepted, A B r itis h Governor was i n s ta lle d and a number of changes were imposed which d ra m a tic a lly a ffe c te d th e s o c io -c u ltu ra l context. These changes arose out of th e term s of the Deed of Cession, and out of the requirem ent f o r the Colory to be se lf-s u p p o rtin g and th e re fo re not a burden on th e B r itis h tax-payer.
The N ative Lands Commission was e s ta b lis h e d and proceeded to s t a b i l i s e by fix ed w r itte n r e g i s t e r not only th e land ownership p o sitio n , but a lso th e h e re d ita ry h ie ra rc h ie s i n the tr a d itio n a l system and th e i r memberships. The p a tte rn of r e g i s t r a t i o n adopted was a standard one fo r th e whole group which i n mary cases was very d if f e r e n t from th a t a c tu a lly to be found on the ground.
I t i s of in t e r e s t to note th a t i t i s gen erally considered t h a t th e choice of th e m ataq ali a s the u n it of r e g i s t r a t i o n was perhaps th e l e a s t ap p ro p ria te of
th e tr a d itio n a l le v e ls i n which to v e st landownership. F u rth er a lie n a tio n of n ativ e land was p ro h ib ite d w ith one sh o rt break under Governor im Thurn'
A policy of in d e n tu rin g labour from In d ia was fo s te re d to develop th e sugar cane in d u s tr y . The la b o u r was draw n from d i f f e r e n t c u l t u r a l g ro u p s and b ackgrounds i n d i f f e r e n t a r e a s o f In d ia . The g r u e l l i n g and h u m i l i a t i n g experience of the passage and of l i f e in "the Lines" had a profound impact upon th e c u ltu r a l c h a r a c te r is tic s of these people and probably did more than anything to draw them in to a common c u ltu r a l identify.®
The s o c io -c u ltu ra l context formed i n th e e a rly decades of th e 20th Century was th e re fo re along t r i p a r t i t e l i n e s : European a d m i n i s t r a t i o n and commerce, F i j i a n t r a d i t i o n a l c u l t u r e u nd er a s e p a r a te t r a d i t i o n a l l y o r ie n t e d a d m in istra tio n , and In d ian labour. ^
As th e 2 0 th C entury has p ro g re s s e d , ch an ges i n c ir c u m s ta n c e s and p o lic y choices have r e s u lte d i n new r e la tio n s h ip s and frameworks being developed w ith in the e x is tin g s tru c tu re s , and as between th e d if f e r e n t c u ltu r a l groups.
The most s ig n if ic a n t f a c to r involved in c u ltu r a l change i n th e European group has probably been th e in tro d u c tio n of new codes of behaviour both n a tio n a lly
and i n t e r n a t i o n a l l y l a r g e l y th ro u g h changes i n th e econom ic o r d e r and i n e th ic s. The im pact of t h i s has been f e l t i n th e a d m in is tra tio n where th e dism antling of the a d m in is tra tiv e elem ent of the c o lo n ia l system has been accomplished. This process has c a rrie d through to th e more b la ta n t examples of economic co lonialism . The prime example in F i j i was evidenced by the changing of th e Colonial Sugar R efin ers Co. Ltd. to th e South P a c ific Sugar M ills Ltd. i n th e e a r ly 1960’s, although th is s p e c if ic change was cosm etic by nature, I t was follow ed ty th e w ithdraw al of th e compary i n 1973 and i t s re p la c e m e n t by th e F i j i S ugar C o rp o ra tio n f o llo w in g th e D enning R e p o rt’s recommendations fo r a more e q u ita b le sharing of th e proceeds between grower
'10
and m ille r.
The dependence of th e F i j i economy on th a t of th e West has remained. The ch ara cter of European economic a c t iv it y has» however, changed, w ith movement out of r e la tiv e ly sm all trad in g , which has been taken over by In d ia n s .^
The a d m i n i s t r a t i v e f u n c t i o n of th e European c u l t u r a l group h as become obscured. In execu tiv e p o s itio n s th e tendancy has been to lo c a lis e p o s itio n s