Del cuerpo como campo de prácticas: una mirada desde lo social y lo

Colombia’s gender order is nestled into a postfeminist regime, where “enlightened sexism” became “entwined with a male-chauvinist gender logic” (Giraldo, 2016b, p. 67). Enlightened sexism is embedded within the theory of postfeminism, where feminism is considered no longer necessary (Douglas, 2010). Giraldo (2016b) explains:

Under postfeminism (broadly) and in the cultural context of Colombia (specifically), ‘Woman’ is precisely defined and understood as being ‘the complementary and spectacular other of man’. Further, the body that embraces spectacular hyperfemininity is the one which interpellates the Colombian woman as such so that female body capital becomes crucial in the affective economy of being both woman and Colombian. (p. 72)

The relationship between postfeminism and neoliberalism is an important historical configuration within Colombia’s gender debate because the discursive processes that are normalizing enlightened sexism are also preserving the patriarchal culture that accommodates men.

Colombian scholars Clemencia Rodriguez (2001) and Florence Thomas (1995) red-flag the processes underpinning the Colombian gender order and argue that exploring the social positioning of women in Colombian society is critical in order to comprehensively understand and transform society:

To question how the feminine has been codified in the symbolic order, to understand how it has been signified and inscribed in the culture becomes of foremost importance if we want to be able to understand and transform such historical productions. (2001, p. 472)

Their research demonstrates that embodiment, or social and cultural ways of being is historical, which means through normative rituals people are shaped by macro forces like religion and violence. For example, colonialism and the Catholic Church established the dominant forms of gender as practiced in the 21st _{century; and the conservative elite and}

Catholic Church continue to be co-dependent in Colombia. In tandem, they almost seamlessly promote political/religious interests, linking politics to religious doctrine, working against liberal politicians, preaching that women should be devoted to domestic life, and ardently campaigning to eliminate abortion. Through these power structures, male-centric, hetero-sexual domination became the pillar of social organizing, and the hegemonic performance of masculinity and femininity became intertwined with individual and family reputation (Sanabria, 2007). Masculinity (relating to men) is held in

esteem and as superior to its assumed opposite, femininity (relating to women) and a central tenant to the Colombian socialization process is upholding the gender binary.38

The hegemonic Colombian gender order operates through a gender-based division which is evident in care versus leisure time, occupation of public space, roles in the home, roles in the workforce and politics (Viveros Vigoya, 2016b). These customary rules operate in micro, meso and macro social ways. For example, women are to raise children and clean the home as their primary occupation of time. The kitchen, in particular, is their domain and cooking for the family, their responsibility. It is common for men and children to return mid-day for lunch. Men are expected to work for money and navigate public space, this includes political conversations (Paternostro, 1999). Men can enter into private space, but it still belongs to women; however, women’s inclusion into public space is dangerous as it frequently evokes violence by men onto women’s bodies (see, Viveros Vigoa, 2016b). Although gender performativity in Colombia includes hegemonic (and violent) masculinity and spectacular femininity, like elsewhere, gender roles and norms are not static or monolithic and have changed over time. Even with severe social pressure to adhere to the gender binary, the reality – much to Catholic conservatives’ dismay – is a one-size-fits-all gender box does not exist.39

Although men dominate the limelight in Colombia, women’s tireless movements have been critical towards improving power relations and progressing the nation towards peace. Feminism in Colombia is as diverse as its multi-cultural population an geography,

38 _{For an example of the socialization process, consider that at birth a baby’s ears are pierced to denote girl.} 39 _{I regret that the consequence of focusing my research on gender relations and predominantly young}

women in sport (which is another arena that organizes along binary lines) is that the minority groups (e.g., transgender, queer) that fall along this spectrum are unheard in the conversation because of boundaries, limitation, and focus. On the same note, in this thesis, I will reference masculinities in Colombia, but only superficially. A project focusing on theories and embodied practices of masculinities would greatly complement this research.

but colonialism’s legacy and power relations are key denominators for protest. In particular the feminist groups Ruta Pacifíca, the Movimiento Social de Mujeres contra la Guerra y Por la Paz (MSM) and the Red de Mujeres del Caribe Colombiano (RMCC) have connected to communities, regions and nationally (Paarlberg-Kvam, 2016).

Insurgent feminism, presented during the peace talks by the FARC in Havana in 2014 – 2016 is currently gaining traction. The FARC’s Marxist doctrine included abolishing hierarchies and it declared itself an anti-patriarchal organization. Although the highest-ranking leaders were men, FARC women have reported feminism is an embedded FARC practice whereby all members shared duties such as cooking and fighting on the front lines (Boutron, 2017). Insurgent feminists are anti-capitalist and anti-patriarchy. They connect women’s emancipation to the class struggle. 40

Colombians face distinctive gender-related challenges such as femicide 41_,

conflict-related sexual violence, and the entanglement of social oppressions like class and race. Although women’s organizations have been active and made gains in Colombia since the 1950s (UNDP, 2012), a feminist movement comparative to the West (United States and Europe) has been slower to materialize (Giraldo, 2016b). However, the feminist groups that are in operation tend to marry political activism with social action and activists’ geographic and multi-cultural diversity results in various issues of focus and diverse responses to oppressions (Giraldo, 2016a). As demonstrated above, there are competing political projects taking place that shape gender in Colombia and diverse

40 _{For more, follow Victoria Sandino or read the website mujer fariana (Boutron, 2017).}

41 _{Femicide is understood as the killing of a woman by a man because of her gender. Murders are}

frequently linked to current and former intimate partners. In 2016, Colombian newspaper El espectador reported femicide rates of 4 women per day between 2009 and 2014 and 90 percent perpetrator impunity. The lack of government response to gender-based violence has motivated feminist groups to protest in public spaces and on Twitter.

methods of feminism in action. Giraldo (2016b) argues decolonial feminism in Latin America incorporates two key elements in action: an orientation “towards questions of praxis, social commitment, and political activism in the face of stage aggression” and a “community focus as its focus of attention” (p. 57).

Theories surrounding the Colombian gender order and gender performativity will be delved into throughout this thesis. As previously noted, gender relations are not siloed from other social oppressions like race/ethnicity, class and sexuality. To clarify and give structure to a multi-ethnic population within a class-divided nation without dividing or categorizing socials issues, I will examine the theory of intersectionality (Vuola, 2012) and the theory of differentiated intersectionalites/entanglements (Grosfoguel, 2016). It is to these related theories that I now turn.