DISEÑO DEL PROGRAMA DE MOTIVACIÓN PARA MEJORAR LA EFECTIVIDAD OPERATIVA DEL PERSONAL
3.4 CUESTIONARIO DIRIGIDO A LAS MAESTRAS PARTICIPANTES DEL PROGRAMA NACIONAL DE CAPACITACION Y FORMACION DOCENTE
My next task is to rebut the mistakes objections. I shall begin with the comparative
mistakes objection, before then turning to the non-comparative mistakes objection.
4.6.1
Replying to the Comparative Mistakes Objection
According to the comparative mistakes objection, we ought to reject the envy test because it identifies disadvantage in a way that is unfairly sensitive to inequalities
48 Dworkin, Sovereign Virtue, 492, n. 7. See also the discussion of soft paternalism in Joel Feinberg, The
Moral Limits of the Criminal Law, vol. 3 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1986), 12-16.
49 The fact that she does not in fact accept these reasons is unproblematic: I am morally permitted to prevent you from walking across a dangerous bridge if you mistakenly believe the bridge is not dangerous, even if I am unable to prove this to you, and thus even if I am unable to justify my actions in terms of reasons that you in fact accept.
between individuals in their ability accurately to make value judgments. We can respond to this objection by noting that the envy test is likely to treat as a disadvantage
an individual’s comparatively poor ability accurately to make value judgments. For instance, if Nora has less ability than others accurately to judge the value of an
opportunity, then presumably she will envy an opportunity enjoyed by others – namely, others’ opportunity more accurately to make value judgments. The envy test
thus implies that we should treat this as disadvantageous to Nora. For this reason, the comparative mistakes objection does not threaten the test’s plausibility. When we
justify corrective action in this way, we do so in response to Nora’s comparatively poor ability accurately to make value judgments, not as a response to her mistaken value
judgments as such, but this feature of the response should not trouble us.
This reply is contingent upon Nora actually envying another’s opportunities or,
more specifically, it is contingent upon Nora’s values implying that she is disadvantaged in virtue of her inferior ability. Of course, this might not be the case. It
may be that Nora’s values do not imply that she is disadvantaged in virtue of her inferior ability. If this were the case, the envy test could not treat her as disadvantaged.
Whilst this is correct, it is not clear to me that it is in any way counter-intuitive. That is, in the highly contrived (and even less likely) case in which Nora fails to envy others
only because she does not value the ability accurately to judge the value of an opportunity, it is plausible simply that Nora is not disadvantaged in the relevant sense.
For this reason, this attempt to re-assert the comparative mistakes objection fails.
4.6.2
Replying to the Non-Comparative Mistakes Objection
The non-comparative mistakes objection is more forceful. It has force even in those cases in which an individual does not envy another individual’s ability to judge the
value of an opportunity. How, then, might we try to meet the non-comparative mistakes objection? My first response is to deny that the consequences of accepting the
envy test are in any way implausible. For instance, in Hooked Nose, is it really implausible to claim that Maria is disadvantaged, when it is stipulated that this is something that
causes her to get hysterical? I do not think so.50 Similarly, in Deafness, is it really
implausible to deny that Dan is disadvantaged, when it is stipulated that Dan believes
being deaf is no less valuable than being able to hear? Again, I do not think so.51 To be
sure, I do not deny that Maria’s and Dan’s value judgments may be mistaken in
objective terms; rather, I deny that this fact is significant for the purposes of determining whether either individual suffers disadvantage.
Though this response to Hooked Nose and Deafness is compelling, it is not a fully satisfactory response to the non-comparative mistakes objection. This is because a
defender of the objection can appeal to increasingly extreme cases in order to make her point. For example, let’s consider the following variation on Hooked Nose:
Vanity: Olivia is a very, very vain person, who gets hysterical over having a small birthmark on her arm, even though it is imperceptible to the naked eye. As a result of this, Oliva envies the opportunity to be free of any birthmarks.52
50 Moreover, in making this claim, I agree with the National Health Service of the United Kingdom, which funds some forms of cosmetic surgery for precisely these reasons.
51 Commenting on this case, Dworkin adds: ‘Why should the community provide Dan with the funds needed for an expensive operation that would restore his hearing, rather than spending those funds in other useful ways, when he not only would not use those funds for that purpose but also would refuse the operation even if it were free?.’ See Dworkin, ‘Sovereign Virtue: Revisited’, 139.
In this case, accepting the envy test implies that Olivia is disadvantaged. This result is clearly counter-intuitive, and it would be implausible to deny this. Perhaps the same is
true in Masochist.
My response to the non-comparative mistakes objection in these cases is to
concede that it has some force, but to deny that this is sufficient to sanction the rejection of the envy test. We should bite the bullet. Since this response may strike
some readers as unconvincing – indeed, anti-climactic – it is necessary to explain why this is not the case. In support of this, I shall make two points.
First, let me draw attention again to the costs of abandoning the envy test. The costs that I have in mind are those costs revealed by my three earlier objections to the
metric test. In particular, let me note that, if we treat Nora as disadvantaged, contrary to her own mistaken judgment, then (i) we must appeal to an account of disadvantage
that we cannot justify to each member of society, (ii) we risk disrespecting Nora by justifying corrective action, or at least the offer of corrective action, on grounds that
she does not accept, and (iii) we risk identifying her as disadvantaged even though she considers herself to be advantaged in comparison with the individual(s) who must bear
the burdens of the corrective action that we may justify in her name, e.g. those who may be required to pay her compensation. Together, I believe these costs count
decisively against the force of the non-comparative mistakes objection.
Of course, a critic may remain unpersuaded. Though she may acknowledge
that the envy test has several virtues, she may maintain that these have insufficient weight to justify accepting the test in the light of the counter-intuitive implications
highlighted by the present objection. Let me turn, here, to my second point. It relates to the fact that there is a general trend within liberal political theory that maintains that
we should respect an individual’s judgment, even if it is mistaken, such that it risks seriously jeopardising her well-being, measured in objective terms. A clear example of
this liberal trend is given by the principle of anti-paternalism. If we accept this principle, as many liberals do, we ought to respect an individual’s decision to pursue a
life of hedonism rather than a more philosophical life, even if we know that the latter would be much more valuable to her than the former, when measured in objective
terms.53 In a similar vein, we ought to respect an individual’s judgment regarding the
value of her opportunities, even if we know that her judgment is mistaken such that it
risks seriously jeopardising her well-being, measured in objective terms.
To be sure, my aim is not to defend either the principle of anti-paternalism or
the general liberal trend that it reflects. Instead, the aim of this argument is to point out that the non-comparative mistakes objection highlights implications of the envy test
that should be familiar to liberals. This is not to deny that they are counter-intuitive. Rather, the point is that, if a critic accepts the objection, she may have to give up other
familiar principles of liberal political theory, such as the principle of anti-paternalism, since they may be equally vulnerable to similar kinds of objections.54 For many people,
including myself, this is too high a price to pay, and it is partly for this reason that we must resist the appeal of the non-comparative mistakes objection.
4.7
Conclusion
My aim in this chapter has been to defend the envy test. Very roughly, this test states
that we should treat an individual as disadvantaged if and only if she envies another’s opportunities. In this form, the envy test is very clearly a test for disadvantage in a
53 Quong, Liberalism Without Perfection, ch. 3.
54 Importantly, I say that she may have to give up the principle of anti-paternalism, since it may be possible for a critic to point to some relevant disanology between the envy test and the principle of anti- paternalism. In the absence of such an argument, I am sceptical of the existence of such a disanology.
general form, rather than specifically for occupational disadvantage. However, it is easy to revise the envy test in such a way that delivers this more specific result. On this
view, we should treat an individual as occupationallydisadvantaged if and only if she envies another’s occupationalopportunities.
It is likely that a wide range of judgments will factor into an individual’s assessment of the comparative value of her occupational opportunities. This is because
many individuals care for more than their salary, and the additional factors to which they attach value will influence their judgments. Even if an individual has a greater
capacity to earn a high income than others, she may still envy others’ occupational opportunities if they fare much better in terms of opportunities for discretionary time,
for example. An attractive feature of the envy test is that it allows us to defer to an individual’s own judgments in order to determine the relative weightings of various
factors that go into the assessment of whether or not she is occupationally disadvantaged, including a concern for both income and discretionary time.
The ambitions of this chapter are in one respect very modest. Though I develop and defend an account of (occupational) disadvantage, I have chosen not to
address the relationship between (occupational) disadvantage and corrective action, other than to allude to the fact that (occupational) disadvantage may entitle an
individual to corrective action, perhaps in the form of compensation, say. This issue is important, for addressing it is essential if we are to appreciate the significance of
occupational disadvantage within an account of justice in work. Without it, we cannot choose between the various social institutions that respond to occupational