Fear is a key device for Lioncel’s narrator. The story frequently plays upon the apprehension and chaos of the time in which it is set. There are different levels of anxiety in the novella, depending on the situation being described. Among the causes for concern are fears for loved ones and for the future of France. In the preface, Bruno himself admits to feelings of fear and uncertainty during the Terror:
J’ai gémi sur les maux innombrables de ma Patrie ; j’ai souffert avec résignation, mais jamais je ne me suis permis d’opposer des écrits à des tempêtes, et ma bonne fortune m’a fait échapper sans atteinte, au tonnerre qui sans cesse grondoit sur ma tête, et à la foudre qui, chaque jour, tomboit à mes côtés.214
The sorrow Bruno feels for his lost country is accompanied by unease over his own situation.
Although he was resigned to watching events as they unfolded, he apparently now feels safe enough to commit his concerns to paper. The stormy upheaval that had menaced his way of life was now a thing of the past.
While Bruno is quick to acknowledge the role of the Revolution in his story, he goes to great lengths to downplay any historical significance it might have. Contrary to Chateaubriand’s attempt to put the Revolution in a historical context, Bruno is very clear about its lack of
213 Ibid., 151.
214 Ibid., xv.
importance for future generations. His work clearly intends to help erase the event from future accounts of French history. Since the characters of his novella are unquestionably set in Revolutionary France, he says that he was “obligé d’en parler,” but the setting was of no real consequence.215 Although his descriptions are “exactement vrai,” what he is writing will appear
“exagéré dans trente ou quarante ans.”216 Unfortunately for Bruno, his descriptions of the time fit perfectly with the majority of Terror literature, including Gothic authors who sprang from this tradition. In order not to give the appearance of ridiculing France as a country, Bruno makes it clear that he places the blame for 1793-1794 squarely on Maximilien Robespierre, who was safely dead by the time Bruno’s text was written. The already deposed Terrorist figurehead makes an appearance as one of Bruno’s darkest secondary characters. Since he is the one to blame for France’s most tragic years, only “des partisans secrets de ce monstrueux tyran”217 could blame Bruno for his comments, effectively negating any criticism that might come his way. Bruno was not alone in his condemnation of Robespierre after his fall. As R.R. Palmer points out, even former friends of the Terrorist leader were quick to disavow him, saying that
“they had always been his enemies, that they had secretly opposed his hypocritical projects, or that, in their patriotic innocence, they had been his dupes.”218 Of course, few, if any, of the émigrés had ever claimed to support the Committee, so his downfall truly was welcome news for them. Bruno’s émigrés certainly react favorably to Robespierre’s arrest. Upon hearing of his fall, Lioncel’s allies instantly become more relaxed, “on respira avec plus de facilité.”219
215 Ibid.
216 Ibid., xv - xvi.
217 Ibid., xvi.
218 Palmer, 362-363.
219 Bruno, II, 56-57.
Nowhere is the abject fear associated with the Terror more noticeable than in Paris. The city, much admired by Bruno for its past glories, is now a dark and sinister place, filled with frightened people and animalistic Revolutionaries. The previously brilliant Parisians are now beaten down under the weight of the times: “On les voyoit parcourir les rues en silence, la tête et les yeux baissés, le visage à moitié couvert du chapeau, ou par de longs cheveux plats qui les rendoient méconnoissables.”220 The lack of communication, the unwillingness to make eye contact, and the hiding behind long hair or hats all serve to underline the city’s state of perpetual fear and misery, highlighting the complete breakdown of civil society. Public squares are
“inondée du sang des victimes que les tyrans fasoient égorger,”221 blood which in turn intoxicates and encourages the executioners.
According to Bruno, the Parisians had become “unrecognizable,” both to outsiders and to each other. The furtive actions and camouflage adopted by the populace give the impression of prey scurrying around, attempting to escape the notice of their predators. This image is reinforced with the description of the Revolutionary zealots, roaming the streets, on the lookout for new victims. They are “semblables à des tigres, ces hommes féroces ne paroissoient parcourir les rues, que pour chercher la proie qu’ils vouloeint dévorer.”222 Even those who managed to escape the notice of these ferocious men were still susceptible to the suffering around them. A peaceful man would feel “déchiré par les cris, par les plaintes, par les gémissements de ses amis ou de ses voisins.” However, it was dangerous to show any feeling for one’s fellow man: “On n’osoit leur porter la moindre consolation : la compassion étoit un
220 Bruno, I, 33.
221 Ibid., I, 35.
222 Ibid., I, 34.
crime, et dévenoit la preuve d’une complicité punissable.”223 In order to survive, a low profile was essential in such chaotic times.
Of course, fear is not limited to Paris. All of France was covered in fear, including the ancestral home of Lioncel and his family. The gothic language used to describe the family castle is a reflection of the political situation swirling around the countryside:
L’aspect de ce lieu vénérable inspire un saint respect. Le silence profond qui y règne, le lugubre appareil de ces trophées, excitent une secrète horreur et dirigent l’esprit vers ces idées philosophiques et salutaires qui font apprécier à leur juste valeur, la gloire, la puissance et toutes ces illusions mensongères auxquelles le cœur de l’homme est follement abandonné.224
It is the secret horror of the locale that pushes its visitor to philosophical thoughts of glory and power. The terror and chaos of their surroundings can push men to crazy abandon. The potentially terrifying aspect of this underground crypt is mitigated by religious and familial associations, providing the de Lioncel-Pressacs with stability and a safe haven through much of the Revolution. It is not until Oursonvilliers’ perfidy that the castle will lose its sense of sanctuary.
In addition to fear, power is another prominent theme in Lioncel, whether the author is describing its appropriation by various characters or someone’s lack of control. Oursonvilliers claims power from multiple sources: the Comte d’Artois, the Committee of Public Safety, family relations, and as a man of means. Every time he invokes his power in the novella, Oursonvilliers does so in order to do harm. His influence with the Court provides him with documents, ostensibly to recruit new troops for the émigré army. In reality, he will use these papers to frame his uncle for treasonous activities. With her father removed from the picture, it is his hope that Éléonore will then accept him as her husband.
223 Ibid., I, 35.
224 Ibid., I, 69.
His relationship with the Committee of Public Safety affords Oursonvilliers protection and great latitude to move about in Jacobin-controlled France. Upon receiving news of his rival’s reported demise, Oursonvilliers leaves the Prince’s camp and travels across France. His entry point into the country is Strasbourg, where he is first identified as an agent for the Committee of Public Safety. Bruno presents Oursonvilliers as a clear-cut double agent, who happily serves the Terrorist government. When he is first stopped upon reentering France, Oursonvilliers reassures the local committee that he is an authorized agent, with a commission, signed by Robespierre, de Couthon, de Barrère, and de Saint-Just, four of the most visible members of the Committee. This document should have guaranteed him immediate support from the local authorities.
Unfortunately, even with the signed commission, the commander of Strasbourg does not trust Oursonvilliers’ word without verification from Paris. This lack of trust between officers of the Revolution can be read in two ways. First, it stands as a stark contrast to the trust and immediate aid given to Lioncel anytime he is in need of assistance. This difference underscores the disparity between the righteous hero and the betraying villain. In another case, it can be read as a microcosm of the Revolution’s turbulence. No one could be certain who was still in favor and whether anyone could be trusted from one day to the next. Indeed, the fall of Robespierre heralded an immediate change in government and Revolutionary policy.
In opposition to his negative representations of fear and Revolutionary power, Bruno provides a positive possibility for power in the story. Servants and family alike make use of any and all power at their disposal in order to save Lioncel. Within the first few pages of the novella, Francœur has used his military rank and knowledge to rescue and disguise the wounded hero.
As the hussar is promoted, he always seeks ways to be more of service to his former master.
Through his friendship with Dr. Gaubiac, Francœur will be able to guarantee Lioncel safe passage and relative comfort for his journey home. The two men will take turns exerting their influence and using their connections to further Lioncel’s cause.
Bruno also provides for moments of hope throughout his novella. Lioncel’s uncle, the Abbé de Lioncel, encourages the family to put its faith in God, who will guide the innocent through these troubled times. Upon hearing that his nephew did not perish as they had thought, the Abbé calls for prayers of thanksgiving in the tomb of their ancestors. Éléonore is chosen as the most perfect conduit for the family’s entreaties, since “la voix de l’Innocence et de la Vertu pénètre toujours jusqu’au sein de l’Eternel, et n’en est jamais repoussée.”225 In this case, the term vertu has been reclaimed from Revolutionary rhetoric to showcase its original moral judgment. Knowing that Éléonore’s purity and love will be his reward is the only thing that enables Frédéric Lioncel to continue his odyssey home. Without his family and friends’
goodness and strength, the hero would have fallen many times.
While it will take the country a long time to recover from recent horrible events, Bruno is able to reassure the reader of the eventual outcome. Describing the time just after Robespierre’s fall, he states that “les esprits flottèrent longtems, entre la crainte et l’espérance.”226 However, with the knowledge afforded by a few years’ distance, he immediately reminds the reader that
“l’impression de terreur dont tous les esprits avoient été plus ou moins frappés, céda seul à la chute des tyrans, et on respira dans toute la France.”227 In Bruno’s mind, the country could quickly begin healing, since the source of all its recent evils was gone.
225 Ibid., I, 93.
226 Bruno, II, 60.
227 Ibid., II, 60-61.