municipality can have an effect on neighbouring municipalities and vice versa (Borchard et al., 2011). In order to coordinate developments several municipalities are centralised in districts (Landkreise). Local planners of the district develop an overall planning strategy for their area to avoid planning conflicts (Borchard et al., 2011). In Saxony some districts are grouped together at the regional level again. This regional planning level represents the level between the local planning level at the bottom and the federal state planning level. The main task of the regional planning level is to develop the Regional Development Plan. This plan concretises the aims of the federal level and sets the wider framework for the districts and municipalities (Borchard et al., 2011). Diagram 4.3 provides an overview of the federal, regional and local planning level and their most relevant planning policies and names the specific levels that are relevant for Leipzig.
Diagram 4. 3: Overview of planning levels and their most relevant policy in general and in Saxony
4.5.2.1 Spatial regulations at the federal and regional level in Saxony
The Federal Development Plan (LEP) of Saxony is developed by various planning departments in Dresden, the federal capital of Saxony (SMI, 2013). The LEP is a strategic policy and valid for about ten years. Its aims and objectives are binding for all lower planning levels. The municipalities at the lowest level have the right to self- determination for those things that they can, want and have to regulate themselves (Borchard et al., 2011).
The LEP includes numerous principles and aims. One of aims plays an important role in structural planning when it comes to the development of large shopping facilities. Aim 2.3.2.1 says that the development, extension or significant changes of shopping centres or large scale shopping facilities are only permissible in regional metropolis or regional centres (SMI, 2013). Map 4.2 shows the centres structure of West Saxony as illustrated in the LEP.
Map 4. 2: Centres structure of West Saxony in the LEP 2013 (SMI, 2013, map 1)
The policy at the next lower level is the Regional Development Plan (RP) (Regionaler Planungsverband Westsachsen, 2008). One objective of the RP is to define a structured spatial and urban development of the region. When the aims and objectives of the RP follow this overall objective the development of the region would lead to traffic reducing structures (Regionaler Planungsverband Westsachsen, 2008). The regional level has to follow the framework of the federal level, but the process is bidirectional. The regional level provides information and suggestions to the federal level when the LEP is developed (Borchard et al., 2011). In case of West Saxony, the City of Leipzig and the two surrounding districts cooperate with the Regional Planning Association in an open process.
The RP includes numerous aims and objectives. Principle 2.3.4 says that in central places the preconditions for an appropriate location of commerce and industry should preferentially be within settlements. Map 4.3 shows the centres structure of West
Saxony as illustrated in the RP. Aim 6.2.4 has the same content like aim 2.3.2.1 of the LEP (Regionaler Planungsverband Westsachsen, 2008). The current RP was adopted in 2008.
Map 4. 3: Centres structure of North Saxony in the RP 2008 (Regionaler Planungsverband Westsachsen, 2008, map 1)
The LEP is mainly developed by federal planners and later members of the public agency, including regional planners, have the possibility to hand in suggestions (SMI, 2013). The RP is mainly developed by regional planners, but during the phase of the public review process the public agency is involved and all citizens are invited as well to submit their suggestions (Regionaler Planungsverband Westsachsen, 2008). So, it seems that, at lower planning levels of Saxony, the possibilities to get involved in policy making processes are increased.
4.6 Conclusion
The first part of this chapter dealt with the development and introduction of planning concepts in the GDR and FRG. As described, politicians and planners regularly introduced concepts, generally on top of established ones. There has never been a complete removal of an existing concept. Due to the absence of critical questioning, current planning is to some extend still based on less sustainable concepts. An example is the ongoing car-prioritising development in many cities. However, the permanent
enhancements of existing structures and instruments compromise an innovative progress. Over the past decades, tensions arose between concepts and it seems likely that this process will continue. The literature could not answer the question of whether it is possible that sustainable urban development could be the problem-solving concept while being equally implemented on top of opposed concepts. The contradictions between concepts like car-prioritising city or suburbanisation, on one side, and the meta-concept of sustainability, on the other side, led to new tensions.
The second part of the chapter took a closer look at the different planning levels in Germany with a special focus on the federal and regional planning level. In terms of vertical integration, the LEP and the RP follow the objectives set at the European and national level. In terms of horizontal integration, they follow an integrated approach and consider, besides other topics, issues related to spatial, transport and environmental planning. The development process of both is relatively open and integrated at the departmental level. When it comes to stakeholder integration the RP provides an intensive participation process when the draft of the plan has been finished by the Regional Planning Association.
The European, national, federal, and regional level set the overall framework of spatial, transport and environmental planning at the local level. However, they do not provide any precise specifications how this framework has to be implemented at the local level. There are also no specifications how an integrated approach can be achieved at the local level nor are there any incentives to achieve integration. The incentive of funding is only related to the final local policies but not to the policy making process.
This chapter sets the contextual framework for the analysis of the empirical data. The literature review had revealed that EPI can have two dimensions: horizontal and vertical. Referring to vertical EPI, Leipzig is part of the European multi-level governance system, therefore policies of higher planning levels have an impact on policies and policy making processes at the local level. It is important to understand the other levels and their level of impact as this research aims to identify supporting elements for higher levels of EPI, and obstacles that hinder EPI, and some of these are expected to be found in the multi-level governance system.
Additionally, this chapter reviewed historical urban planning concepts. This was also done with view to supporting elements and obstacles as those urban planning concepts mainly stand for the traditional planning paradigm. As older planning concepts are hardly entirely removed when new ones are implemented, they can still influence policy making processes and especially planning behaviour. This knowledge is used in the analysis to understand arguments and the background to decision making.
The next three chapters present the analysis of planning processes in Leipzig. Chapter 5 focuses on Urban Development Plans at the strategic planning level. Chapter 6 takes a closer look at sectoral environmental policies, also at the strategic planning level. Chapter 7 presents three projects and two problems at the project planning level.