describe attitudes to spirituality within the EDA movement. The distinction he was making about styles of dissent appeared to be very similar to what I had encountered at Raven Hill. Jay discusses here then spirituality within the movement.
Jay: “But there were a lot of people who weren’t really on that
[spirituality] at all there was this whole Fluffy and Spiky and there were people not really into the spiritual side at all but were more politically radical, erm, as well as concerned about the environment you know.”
Interviewer: “Could you just explain Fluffy and Spiky?”
Jay: “Fluffy as I understand it comes from Salisbury Hill they had a
phrase keep it Fluffy”
Interviewer: “Which is non-violent?”
Jay: “Well you see it's more than non-violent it's when there’s
confrontation with the security guards and stuff it's about keeping it kinda cheerful and playful, it's beyond non-violent its actually trying to create an atmosphere that’s friendly despite. So the other people are coming at it with confrontation we are not making a confrontation we are just trying to stop this road being built….. I would say that the people who were into the Fluffy end often [interruption by children] I would say as a generalisation that people on the Fluffy side of it were more often the people who were sort of spiritual side of it or pagany side of it, who had that aspect to their, er, relationship. Yeah also kinda Hippie/Punk kinda split although the split isn't really as real as that but you know some people on the more Hippie side and some on the Punk side something like that.”
Interviewer: “I think you said earlier that the Spiky was more
political?”
Jay: “Often yeah people that were more coming from a more political
point of view but you know there’s a lot of overlap, for myself I am extremely political, politically conscious definitely involved in it all with a strong political consciousness but the spirituality was also there and I think that one aspect that spirituality had sometimes was an aspect like that it was not the winning that was important but that the doing it
that was important. I remember having a discussions about that with some people and that was kind of, for me that came from a kinda spiritual place but it doesn't have too you can have the same attitude and not come from a spiritual place.” Int 22 8:04 [brackets mine] Jay in this quote articulates the terms used within the EDA movement discourse ‘spiky’ and ‘fluffy’, (activists and alternatives respectively). From here onward I will use these terms to describe the two tendencies I am focussing on in both the EDA movement and the environmental communities in this study. I have adopted these terms as they were essentially
constructed by the EDA movement and were terms were clearly understood by most community members both urban and rural.
In some respects Jay contradicts himself in this quote he begins by defining ‘spikies’ as those who were politically radical and ‘fluffies’, in an implicit way, as spiritual. Later however when I enquired further, about the political nature of the spiky, he asserted that the person who is fluffy is also very motivated by a strong political consciousness. This would suggest that a simple identification along the political/spiritual axis is not possible.
Jay also contrasts the spiky and fluffy responses during the times of tension, such as when a road protest camp is evicted. The fluffy tendency is to be non-violent, resisting the eviction by putting their body in harm’s way and not retaliating to the force being used against them. They often remain cheerful, playful, expressing themselves artistically to produce an atmosphere which in effect is feelings focused. This then is the sphere where the fluffy battles, the sphere of feelings and emotions, anger and anxiety are countered with play and celebration. It is in this way that the fluffy tendency makes a
difference.88 This then is contrast with the spiky tactic which is on the whole confrontational, violence is met with violence. As will be revealed below this non-violent/violent distinction is what is commonly associated with the terms spiky and fluffy within the social movement more generally, still I will be suggesting that it is also an indicator of more than just this tactical component (Graeber, 2009, p. 255; McKay, 1998, p. 15).
Towards the end of the quote Jay reflects on the difference between winning - stopping the road being built - and doing it anyway - even if defeat was
88 Melville also comments on something very similar in the ‘festival of life’ in Chicago “The Festival was both agitation and play, at the same time a means and an end.”(Melville, 1972, p. 68).
inevitable. What is critical for the spiky tendency is that political power is thwarted and as a consequence the environment (Forest) is saved. But also important for them is the fact that many other environments (such as forests) besides are saved89, as a new political force will exist. Winning is therefore essential and the relationship with political power is intense and emotional. The external result is all.
Fluffies conversely are not particularly concerned about taking political control, for them being present in that place is significant as they will affect others around them. From the fluffy perspective ‘politics isn’t something you do, it’s something that you are’ (Melville, 1972, p. 70). Furthermore for some, such as Jay, the source of this approach came from a spiritual place.
The ambiguity expressed in Jay’s quote surrounding the association of the political with the spiky tendency may have more to do with the general understanding of the term political. Politics can in a general sense be considered as relating to power relationships between humans, the focus being on the decision-making process. Nevertheless politics can also be understood as a concern about the consequences of political decisions (Kluckhohn & Murray, 1967; Pepper, 1993). Jay therefore from his fluffy persuasion is passionately concerned about the consequences of the
political power. To a great extent this should be expected from all those who have taken the drastic lifestyle change of joining the protest camp. They could not in any way be described as apathetic about the effects of political decisions. The focus then may well be on the engagement with the relevant political powers. For the fluffy tendency, by contrast, solutions may also reside beyond the direct challenge of the traditional political structures, ones located in the realms of culture, lifestyle and internal patterns of thinking, individual behaviour.
Finally Jay makes it clear that the spiky fluffy ‘split isn't really as real as that’, the distinctions are therefore not clear categories, there is much overlap with participants exhibiting both tendencies. This could also be detected in the resistance by most movement participants to identify with either term. This
89 This aspect is powerfully demonstrated in the fact that Fort Trollheim (see below) was erected within the remains of a decimated wood that had already been cut down, there were no trees to save! When asked about this the reply came “but it’s an anti-road protest innit?” (Evans, 1998, p. 140).
reinforces my assertion that what I am defining here is best termed a tendency.
In describing the spiky fluffy tendencies Jay also identified a particular
protest site where this distinction was clearly articulated; the Fairmile protest camp. However I want to rely on another source in describing the
circumstances at Fairmile, namely Andy Letcher. Andy Letcher from the perspective of both movement participant and academic researcher has extensively explored the forms of spirituality present within the EDA
movement (see Chapter 4.2). Below I have arranged three quotes from his journal articles in as logical order as possible. I will below draw out his main observations and comment upon all three quotes.
“At Fairmile in Devon, protesters referred to themselves as ‘fairies’. At the centre of the camp stood one large oak tree, complete with four tree houses, which, for the protesters, came to resemble the magic faraway tree. The second camp, about one mile away across the valley, was literally a fortress made from earth and debris of previously felled trees. It was named ‘Fort Trollheim’, and the protesters here, …. they call themselves the ‘Troll's’. Playful rivalry existed between the two camps, the Fairies at Fairmile and the Trolls at Trollheim, during the whole campaign-the trolls for example,
banning the use of penny whistles at their camp.”(Letcher, 2001b, pp. 149-150).
“Whilst protesters’ motivations remain multilayered, two factors are relevant here: the ‘aesthetic’ and the ‘political’. The word ‘aesthetics’ derives from the Latin ‘aesthesis’ meaning to notice the world.
Protesters motivated primarily by aesthetics have literally ‘noticed the world’ and have a keen sense of it being something of beauty. They seek to protect it from destruction, rather as one might seek to protect a work of art. Eco-Paganism and the adoption of fairy mythology are part of this aesthetic tendency. In contrast, protesters acting with primarily political motivations are more concerned with overthrowing capitalism than with aesthetics, and moreover, are likely to be hostile towards protesters of the aesthetic persuasion, and those adopting a fairy mythology. Within the protest movement there is a split between the so-called ‘fluffies’ and the ‘spikies’, a categorisation which is reflective of the aesthetic/political divide.”(Letcher, 2001b, pp. 151- 152).
“By the mid-1990s there existed a pronounced split between the so- called ‘Fluffies’ and ‘Spikies’. Broadly speaking, Spikies were more urban in outlook, more concerned with the political struggle of the protests, expressed a Punk aesthetic, and were possibly more working class. Fluffies were more concerned with nature and the environment, saw themselves as hippies, and were possibly more middle-class. ‘Keep it Fluffy ‘meant non-violent, being responsible, setting a positive example by behaviour; ‘keep it Spiky’ meant confrontational, violent, ‘by all means necessary’ (McKay 1998:15). Fluffy versus Spiky became the predominant internal discourse of otherness around which identity was created. So among the 27 protest camps of the Newbury bypass campaign, Skyward camp, the Pixie village, Granny Ash and the appropriately named Fluff Central were considered Fluffy camps, while Kennet and Reddings Copse were more Spiky. Likewise, Stanworth Valley was regarded as a Fluffy campaign, the M11 in London spikier.”(Letcher, 2003, pp. 67- 68).
Letcher here confirms a number of the features already define by Jay. The violent non-violent divide, the aesthetic inclination of the fluffy tendency and the association of the political with the spiky tendency. However I also note that Letcher does not probe this latter association further, the spiky-political association, as I have done above. Letcher uses the example of the Fairmile protest site to elaborate upon the aesthetic, fairy mythology, the main focus of his article. He associates fluffy with the fairy mythology developed at Fairmile and also Eco-Paganism more generally. The physical arrangement and architecture of the two camps he mentions is worthy of some reflection. The symbol of the oak tree, central within the fairy camp (fluffies), appears to emphasise aesthetical concerns over the functional ones. This in turn made them more vulnerable to the inevitable challenge from the evicting forces.90 This can be contrast with the fortress, Fort Trollheim, constructed by the Trolls, Elves91 (spikies). The symbol of the fort represents human
achievement and physical change in readiness for the forthcoming challenge
90 A very telling narrative by a movement participant relating to the eviction was published in Do or Die Issue 6 See References for Websites below. 91 The preferred title in Kate Evans cartoon book, Copse (Evans, 1998, p.
and confrontation. The banning of the penny whistle from the Troll camp was also one indicator that the creative, artistic and aesthetic qualities would not form part of their identity. The friendly rivalry and crossover between the camps is also confirmed by Letcher, a feature that Jay also mentioned in his interview confirming that some protesters were part of both camps (Int 22 8:04). Furthermore Letcher notes a similar rivalry and division at the Newbury protest site, with complete protest sites being associated with either the spiky or fluffy tendency; spiky for M11 and fluffy for Stanworth Valley. Within the movement as a whole Letcher considers that the spiky versus fluffy distinction developed to become ‘the prominent internal discourse of otherness around which identity was created’ (2003, p. 68). This view I would certainly concur with and further it by saying it is a discourse which continues today within many environmental communities, both urban and rural.
Figure 2. Fort Trollheim, constructed out of already felled trees on the route of the proposed A30 (11of 31) accessed 14/10/2013 Copyright © Andrew Testa
Next Letcher makes comment on social class structures, associating spiky with working-class and fluffy with middle-class. Letcher does not make clear on what evidence he has based these claims. He may well have been influenced by the writings of the Marxist collective Aufheben, which also have commented extensively on the EDA movement, these writings he refers to later in his article. The Aufheben collective, with their strong class consciousness, identified the fluffy tendency within the direct action politics of the 1990s, in particular within the rave protests against the Criminal Justice Bill (CJB).
“The experience of defending a rave against the police, on the other hand, does lend itself to the development of working class
subjectivity; but our 'Fluffy friends' do not seem to have involved themselves with this most positive aspect of the rave scene,
preferring the 'positive vibes' of paganism, Sufism, Taoism or some other theological bullshit.”
“Fluffy ideology is merely the latest development in liberal ideology, and can be summed up as the view that society is nothing more than the aggregation of individuals.” (See References for Websites
Aufheben summer 1995 #4).
Figure 3. Fairy Camp, constructed around a large mature oak tree. (15 of 31) accessed 14/10/2013 Copyright © Andrew Testa
The Aufheben collective categorically place the fluffy tendency within the liberal political and middle-class camps and as can be seen from the quote above they are also make reference to religious and spiritual identities. From my interviews I did, as commented on in Chapter 5, detect some animosity towards the ‘middle-class Hippies’ (Int 6 55:00), these being associated with less-productive members expressing an explicit spiritual focus. If, as I have outlined above, the Hippie92 is being associated with the fluffy tendency then this could be considered support for Letcher’s claim. Also some community members acknowledged they possessed a degree of post-materialism, this, as I have also commented on earlier, is also associated with the middle- class (Crossley, 2002, p. 151; Tomalin, 2009, p. 61). Consequently if the fluffy tendency does value the material and physical less in comparison to the spiky tendency then this would appear to support Letcher’s claims in relation to class.
Next Letcher associates the fluffy tendency with a concern for nature and eagerness for nature connection. I would certainly concur with this claim as throughout the interviews I conducted I did note community members had differing views and relationships to nature which could be arranged into two broad groupings. Additionally these broad groupings did seem to coincide with a spiky fluffy tendency. Community members with a fluffy tendency frequently expressed in a passionate manner their feelings for nature. They expressed in emotional terms how they felt about their experiences of nature these being on the whole vague about the physical details (Milton, 2002, p. 57). Members with a spiky tendency however used very specific and
concrete language about the subject (nature out there) this was sometimes accompanied with functionally practical aspects that would make a
difference to the community.
92 The term Punk was also being used throughout the interviews to describe a spiky tendency however in a similar manner to the term Hippie it can infer many different meanings. Jay in his interview did specifically mention the Hippie/Punk split. Also Kate Evans uses both terms in describing the differences between the two camps at Fairmile “Mentally, in contrast to all the hippy dippy yoghurt weaving and folk singing that occurred at Fairmile, Trollheim was punk as fuck”. In the USA direct action movement David Graeber has identified the Hippie and Punk ‘modes of being’ which have lived on from the 1960s and 1970s respectively, He associates hippies with ‘pacifism’ and punks with ‘militant anarchism’ (Graeber, 2009, p. 257).
These different dispositions to nature were evident within many of the
interviews however two specific quotes may demonstrate the contrast. Firstly Heidi, who I would say exhibits a fluffy tendency.
Heidi: “Like said earlier I do feel a connection to the land at times I
feel that really strongly……. Yeah I do really enjoy the cycles of nature and connecting with, you know just like, gathering in the berries this time of year, erm, just being part of all that, feeling part of nature and I don't know if that's spiritual or not, to me it just feels right, just feels like,erm, just being on the Earth really just, just being a being rather than, you know, having to be part of some (pause) thing, that isn't real, I think for me nature is all there is that’s real and
everything else is some kind of, some kind of construct.”
Int 7 0:50 (2)
Heidi expresses here her feelings of connection with nature, she appears to struggle expressing in words the experience and the feelings of connection to the Earth and nature. This is ultimately summed up in her statement that nature is the only thing that is real. Next Jan, who I would say exhibits a spiky tendency.
Interviewer: “Was that (living within the tree canopy) something that
became more intense, that experience of nature, in those circumstances?”
Jan: “I think (pause), I think intense is the wrong word, more aware of
different things, more aware of how to, how you see different things, so when you first go into woodland you just see a mass of green and you know, and you see just trees and that's it, then the more time you spend in nature the more you can identify the different plants within that situation and you can recognise different trees, you know if you tread on that bit of ground it's going to be boggy and if you go over there it's a bit drier, … it's more about building up a more complex picture of nature and breaking it down into its component parts, erm, which I don't think is more intense, but means you can look in detail a bit more.” Int 29 117:05
Jan here engages with nature in a wholly different manner by breaking it down into its ‘component parts’, this being very reminiscent of the approach taken within the natural sciences. When relating her experiences of nature it seems very external, focussed on the subject of nature out there. Her
can be associated with a hierarchies of the senses, as will be discussed later in Chapter 9.4.1, this can in turn indicate a reliance on scientific notions (Mellor & Shilling, 1997, p. 155). Although seemingly less emotional I do not estimate that Jan’s experiences of nature were any less significant for her,