There is an overlap for this circumstance, specifically by speaker N in Extract 5-9 when he alternated completely to English from Sarawak Malay. The former language was chosen because it produced a more formal effect (refer to 5.3.14), which is unusual when the friends communicate with one another. Nevertheless, with an objective to draw B and T’s full attention, N deemed the English switch was necessary.
The extract below focuses on the interaction between the father and son (W and Y), where lines 1 to 4 are included to show how both speakers were consistent with the use of their first language from the beginning of their conversation, in
90
Foochow was spoken by the father (W) for imperatives (i.e. clean it first, go to sleep), while his son’s (Y) answer in English was mainly to assert himself. This continued in lines 6 and 7, but seeing how Y did not intend to nap immediately, W saw it as his chance to discuss an important matter with his son. As the subject W was going to raise was of great importance, he switched to English in his next turn (lines 8 and 10). By using Y’s first language, W was able to effectively get his attention, and for Y, this signifies that it was about something serious.
Extract 5-8 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11
66 W: Ah seng nu lah, kei kong. 67 (clean it first, then we’ll talk.) 68 Y: I will do it, I will do it, I will do it. 69 W: Seng nu lah.
70 (Clean it first.)
71 Y: No, I will do it, I will do it, I will do it.
72 H: Shen me you do it loh, wo men zuo lah, ni qu shui jiao liao. 73 (What) (we’ll do it, you go to sleep.)
74 W: Ah nu kuo kong ah, Y. 75 (you go to sleep)
76 Y: No, I want to eat papaya first before I sleep.
77 W: Okay, no, since ah we are eating, I want to talk= 78 H: Nah, gei wo.
79 (give it to me.) 80 W: =a few word to you.
Y: Okay, talk, talk.
Extract 5-9 again features the friends talking among themselves about a male
stranger in the same café they were at. As they identified the man, N commented on his good looks (line 6), and after his friends responded, N code-switched to English in line 9. His motive was to take his friends’ attention away from the subject, and to make himself the centre of attention. In order to do so, he chose to use English as he knew that would change the tone of what he was saying. It is, however, not to come off as sounding serious, but solely to capture their attention, while keeping the chat a
91
lighthearted one. His friends’ reactions in lines 10 and 11 show that N managed to accomplish his intended goals.
Extract 5-9 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 B: Which one? T: Is it that one? N: Ah… baju putih.
(white shirt.) T: Oh counter ya.
(at the counter.)
B: No no, he’s still sitting down. N: Nak ya macam cute jak. (That one looks cute.) T: Kantoi. Finally.
(Busted.) B: Aduh… ( ) (Oh dear…)
N: I got something to tell you guys. 39 T, N & B: Yer…..
40 T: Apa, N? Padah lah. We don’t know anything. (What is it, N? Tell us.)
5.3.5 Translanguaging
Translanguaging is a language practice where languages are not seen and used as separate codes, but as being part of the same language (refer to 1.2.4, and for the differences between code-switching and translanguaging in 1.2.5).
As some bilinguals translanguage in their everyday lives, it is not surprising that the example under Extract 5-10 has also appeared under a separate
circumstance, namely ‘the norm’ (5.3.1).
In Extract 5-10, Y and C were sharing with the family about a suicide case that took place just the day before. Here, English was used considering how both Y and C are native speakers of the language. In line 9, however, C used BM to say ‘fire
92
switching. In actuality, C was using a BM word, but because she is accustomed to using the noun in this manner, it has become part of her English speech itself. Therefore for C, instead of having a clear line drawn between English and BM, said BM word has already been embedded in her English repertoire (see 1.2.5 for
differences between the code-switching phenomenon and translanguaging practice). That said, it is important to point out that the English variety that is specifically
referred to here is Malaysian English. In formal occasions where Standard English is spoken, C will use ‘fire brigade’, which is the appropriate choice, but not the norm in Malaysian English. This also indirectly casts light on the role of the speaker at the time of interaction. For instance, when C uses ‘bomba’, she identifies as a Malaysian; on the other hand, the use of ‘fire brigade’ might indicate that she is taking on a different position in her social group.
Extract 5-10 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11
81 H: You mean, oh, she jumped a? 82 Y: Mm.
83 C: Don’t know whether she jumped or what la. 84 Y: On the way to Mr. Kam’s office.
85 H: Drown a, drown a. 86 Y: Drown, drown. 87 C: Drown la.
88 Y: That’s what they said.
89 C: Then they found the body, the bomba3 found the body at 6a.m. 90 (fire brigade)
91 actually, I don’t know.
Y: So today, please go and check it out, in the newspaper.
In Extract 5-11, T and B were talking about their friend’s food preferences, and the focus is towards the end of line 6 where B used English for the verb “stop” almost immediately after making a switch to Sarawak Malay. According to B, “I barely use the word in Bahasa Sarawak as I always thought that the word ‘stop’ in English is also ‘stop’ in Sarawak (Malay)”.
93
Language convergence is once again evident here as B answered T in the same language (line 2); and T interjected in Sarawak Malay in line 5, after B switched to Sarawak Malay in line 4.
Extract 5-11 1 2 3 4 5 6
41 T: =( ) he didn’t really eat much also, kan? 42 (right?) 43 B: He didn’t eat much…
44 T: Ah… he didn’t eat much. 45 B: Nya macam=
46 (Seems like he=)
47 T: Crab pun sik da ya nak?
48 (He didn’t even eat much of the crab right?)
49 B: =makan– aok… he he ate for a while then macam stop jak cam ya. (=eat– yea…) (like he just stopped eating.)