“Somalia is one of two countries on the continent that has only one race, one ethnic group, one language, one religion and one culture” (Dowden, 2008, p. 93).
Somali social and political systems are underpinned by a strict, and respected, lineage with divisions along clan, sub-clan and sub-subclan lines. Every Somali child is taught to recite their family’s genealogy through the male line stretching back at least twenty generations (Meredith, 2006). Political allegiances are determined by generation lines and hence, when meeting one another Somali’s do not ask each other where they are from but whom they are from (Lewis, 1992).
The council of clan elders is the dominant institution in most locales expected to provide wisdom and build consensus among clan ranks in matters of clan interest especially in times of crisis (UNDP, 1998). All married men can claim to be elders and speak in clan assemblies (known as shir).
There are six major clan families in Somalia as illustrated in Figure 2. Four of these are predominantly pastoral – Darod, Dir, Hawiye and Isaaq – together representing approximately 70 percent of the population. The remaining two clans – Rahanwayn-Digil and Rahanwayn-Mirifle – are agriculturalists and
comprise about 20 percent of the population (see Figure 2). The rest of the population includes the urban and coastal people – the Reer, Hamar/Banadir and Barwanese people of mixed Arab, Persian, Pakistani, Portuguese and Somali heritage; the Bantu riverine agriculturalists; Swahili-speaking Bajuni fishing communities; and Arabs of Yemen, Oman and Zanzibar descent.
Figure 2 Somali Clan Lineage
(Source: Menkhaus, 2004)
Note: The clan structure throughout Somalia is extensive and complex and as such there is no formal agreement on the clan and sub-clan structures. The above figure demonstrates a broad overview of the Somali clan structure.
‘Clannism’ has proved to be both a divisive and destructive tool in the hands of political leaders. Most of Somalia’s armed clashes since 1991 have been fought in the name of the clan as tensions erupted over resources and power and political leaders manipulate clannism for their own purposes (World Bank, 2005). Conversely, the clan system has proved a vital source of group protection, social security and customary law in the absence of a functional state. Individual security in the traditional Somali society was dependent on the clans and this situation remains in place today. The clan system has been the safety net of the Somali people since the collapse of the government in 1991 (LandInfo, 2008). Vulnerability and protection in Somalia are therefore,
closely linked to a clan’s strength. Although, weak clan’s traditionally seek protection from and affiliation to the dominant clans in specific areas. The region of Somaliland is relatively peaceful today and its success is largely attributed to using traditional methods of conflict resolution – using the clan system and Councils of Elders to act as mediators (Yusuf and Mare, 2005).
3.2.2 Religion
The main religion of Somalia is Islam, which has deep roots in Somalia and almost the entire population are Sunni Muslims. Their religious spirit is mixed with elements of Somali’s pre-Islamic Cushitic beliefs. Somali’s live their lives according to the holy book of Islam, the Qur’an, which influences every aspect of Somali life and as such Islamic identity and Somali identity cannot be separated (Elmi, 2010). Islamic values provide hope and solidarity to cope with the harsh conditions prevalent in the country. They have also been used to build trusted institutions, both commercial and juridical. The most visible sign of the latter are the Islamic Courts based on sharia law. During the recent years of unlawfulness particularly throughout the south and central areas, these courts gained increasing popularity within local communities where they dispense justice in zones where customary law fails to maintain order.
Historically, Somalia was an oral society and therefore, little is known about the when and how Islam was introduced to Somalia. There are two accounts that offer explanations, the first, propounds the notion that Islam began in Somalia before it was founded in Medina – the first Muslim capital city in Islamic history. According to this version, Islam was brought to Somalia by the first cluster of Muslim migrants in the seventh century. The second account links Somali-Islamic emergence to Muslim migration that had grown tremendously after the death of the Prophet Mohamed. The dense population, scarce economic opportunities and harsh climate conditions of Arabia and Persia at that time motivated scores of Muslims to seek material fortunes elsewhere. They also aimed to carry out the Prophet Mohamed’s decree of spreading his message, through which they eventually reached Somalia (Abdi, 2010).
Regardless of how Islam entered Somalia, historians largely agree that Somalia’s Islam from the time of inception was based on Sufi order (Lewis, 1961). The oldest known Sufi sect adopted by Somalis is the Qadiriyah, which was founded in Baghdad by Sheikh Abd al Qadir al Jilani (1166 A.D.). The Ahmadiyah-Idrisiyah was the second Sufi sect in Somalia, which was founded by Ahmad ibn Idris al Fasi (1760-1837) and brought to Somalia by Sheikh Ali Maye Durogba of Merca. All other major Sufi sects are derivatives of Ahmadiyah and Qadirryah.
Modern political Islam did not arise in Somalia until the 1960s, when Somali students mainly those studying at Grand Al Azhar in Egypt were exposed to the teachings and public support for political Islam (Abdi, 2010). Although Somalis retained their traditions more strongly than any other group in Africa, in recent years, their cultural and religious practices have been undermined by Arab Wahabi preachers and Saudi money (Dowden, 2008). Until recently, Somali women played a major role in society, dressed in bright colours and did not cover their heads or arms. Today, Somali women are expected to dress in the full Saudi niqab and obey their men.
Radical Islam, organised by a group known as Al-Shabaab, previously known as Al-Ittihad, is also a growing trend with a presence throughout south and central Somalia (Chazan, 2002). Al-Shabaab are believed to be the largest Islamist militia group in Somalia. They have refused to engage in any peace process and have waged war against Somalia’s government. The group aims to implement its own strict interpretation of Islamic or Sharia law in Somalia. Al-Shabaab’s senior leadership is affiliated with al-Qaeda and is believed to have trained and fought in Afghanistan. The merger of the two groups was publicly announced in February 2012 by the Al-Shabaab amir and Ayman al- Zawahiri, leader of al-Qaeda (National Counterterrorism Center, 2013). Although the Somali government and Ethiopian forces defeated the group in a two-week war between December 2006 and January 2007, al-Shabaab has continued its violent insurgency in southern and central Somalia. The group has exerted temporary and, at times, sustained control over strategic
locations in those areas by recruiting or forcing regional sub-clans and their militias, using guerilla warfare and terrorist tactics against the Somali Transitional Federal Government. Al-Shabaab has begun attacking countries which supply African Union and United Nations peace keeping troops to Somalia, most recently claiming responsibility for a twin bombing attack in Uganda, which killed over 70 people (Al Jazeera, 2010). Al-Shabaab’s leaders have ordered their fighters – which include Americans and other Westerners – to attack African Union peace-keeping troops based in Mogadishu. The group gained additional notoriety by blocking the delivery of humanitarian aid from western agencies during the 2011 famine that killed tens of thousands of Somalis (National Counterterrorism Center, 2013).