3. Marco Teórico
3.1 La adopción
3.1.1 Definiciones y tipos de adopción
More than two decades have passed since Appadurai (1991) theorized the global interactive system as complex, non-deterministic, and heterogeneous. Image, the imagined, and the imagination are central to all forms of agency, are themselves social facts, and are the key components of the new global order (Appadurai, 1991).
Mediascapes provide large and complex products of images and narratives to viewers throughout the world in which the world of commodities are profoundly mixed. Global culture is shaped by the communication process of local reception (Hall, 1991). As some postcolonial scholars (Appadurai, 1996; Bhabha, 1994; Chatterjee, 1993) have emphasized, there really is no such entity as a single national culture, and to a larger extent, all contemporary cultures are hybrid. However, as I emphasized throughout my dissertation, hybridity should not be used as an easy tool to explain any national, regional, international, or global media culture because its complicated in-between space is never power-neutral but demands constant struggles and negotiations over cultural meanings and symbols. I argue these intricate layers of hybridity are well manifested in
Korean popular culture and its fandom. The carefully structured way of hybridity in Korean popular culture is not just a mere influence on the U.S. fans of the Korean Wave, but a part of the creation of the ecology of transcultural media and fandom.
One of the purposes for studying the reception of the Korean Wave among fans in the United States is not to impose the idea of the great soft power of Korean-ness as a neo-colonial global cultural power, but to reconstitute globalization theories that recognize the dynamic formations of identity and hybridity at the local level while not dismissing the power hierarchy in international settings. As Oh (2017) contends, we should direct our attention not so much to how to preserve the Korean Wave, but how the movement of Korean Wave across global circuits can contribute to the hybridity that helps to level global power.
The ecology of transcultural media and fandom is about mutual understanding, responsibility, respect, sensitivity, and learning. As much as the members of KIG—
especially my major informants—learned from me, it was me—who identifies herself as an acafan, a native person of the culture they love and respect—who learned more from them. Throughout our close interaction over the years, they have influenced me to know more about the intricacies of social, cultural, political, and historical differences and similarities as well as to continuously self-reflect on my native culture and identity. One of the most significant things they have shown me, someone from one of the most racially and culturally homogeneous countries, is the importance of diversity. My informants come from diverse racial, ethnic, cultural, and political backgrounds, and I did not have a chance to interact with people from such diverse backgrounds when I was in
Korea. Sometimes, my reception of Korean popular culture (such as K-pop’s appropriation of Hip Hop and aesthetic standards) as a native Korean is not the same as the ways in which Leoy, Rosalie, and Nicole perceive them. Yet, through building a close rapport with them, I learned how to value and respect the differences.
My dissertation unraveled dynamic interactions between Korean popular culture and its fans in the US, how cultural hybridity of Korean Wave un/consciously facilitates soft power, and what sociocultural implications it might yield in global/international contexts. The Korean Wave exemplifies strategically well-balanced cultural hybridity, evokes continuous negotiations of identities, and generates nonthreatening emotional proximity that appeals to U.S. fans with varying ethnic, racial, social, and cultural backgrounds in the name of woori-ness. The political economic aspect of the Korean Wave should not be undermined. Yet, spread of and exposure to foreign popular culture does not guarantee its popularity overseas. The transnational and transcultural reception of media texts is neither fully controllable nor predictable by media producers and policymakers because media texts are never self-sufficient structures of meanings themselves. The hybridized Korean popular culture as transcultural media defies identification as a fixed, single nature. In the midst of this phenomenon, there are the often-neglected participatory transcultural fans as legions of craftspeople that enthusiastically and willingly consume, interpret, share, and reproduce the culture of the
“Other,” actualizing the Korean Wave.
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