Defusión cognitiva

The manuscript tradition of the sagas began to emerge at the end of the 12th century. Óðinn is the only figure associated with the Baldr-Cycle who plays a significant role in the saga literature, where he orchestrates action and/or fate. Sögubrot af nokkurum

konungum is a fragmentary text preserved in a single manuscript (FN II:vi). It contains a

curious dialogue exchange in which figures in the narrative are compared to a god with a qualifying aspect; these include Baldr, er öll regin grétu, “for whom all the gods wept, and Hermóðr, er bezt var hugaðr, who was most courageous” (FN II:120-121).

Friðþjólfs saga frækna (FN II:249-270) contains an account of a Baldr temple and cult

which is a manipulation of Baldr as little more than a recognizable pagan god.56 However, a number of narratives apply Baldr-Cycle narratives intertextually, drawing on it both as a model and source for motifs.57

54 _{Although nine variants may seem insignificant in a corpus of 978, this is ca. twice the percentage of}

variants (including fragments) of LV in the published corpus of SKVR.

55 _{Cf. IK.190a, on which a man‟s hand is in the mouth of a wolf/dog, readily interpreted as representing the}

god Týr of Icelandic sources, or as representing the “event” of Týr having his hand bitten off by Fenrisúlfr (cf. Axboe 1991:194-195).

56 _{See Power 1984; Lindow 1997b:132-133.}

57 _{Distinct from Magerøy‟s (1991[1985]) use of “Baldr” to describe a type of figure occurring in saga}

The Baldr-Cycle assumes a function in the generation of meaning by being activated for the audience as a referent in relationship to which the explicit text can be interpreted and understood. This is no different than Biblical narratives applied as referents in literature and modern cinema today.58 The referent model appears most strongly present in mytho- heroic sagas rather than sagas of the historical period (roughly beginning with the settlement of Iceland in the late 9th century). This seems attributable to the higher tolerance of fantastic elements and culturally loaded narrative patterns (cf. Power 1984; Buchholz 1980:esp.62). Five central examples are presented for comparison in §21, one of which is Grímnismál addressed above (§3.3.1.5). Saxo‟s handling of the Baldr-Cycle as “history” is addressed in the same context.

3.5.1. Heiðreks saga

Heiðreks saga (§21.2) is preserved in two variants (Heiðreks R and H) belonging to a

common manuscript stemma. Heiðreks H was copied by Haukr Erlendsson, the owner of Hauksbók, and Haukr made certain significant revisions to the text (see Hall 2005). Both variants contain an application of the Baldr-Cycle. Heiðreks R presents a slaying paralleling Snorri‟s “blind shooter”, and Haukr adapts his exemplar to change this slaying to a sword-weapon paralleling Saxo‟s account (Helgason 1924:34-38). The significance of this change is emphasized by his additional introduction of a sword named Mistilteinn (Helgason 1924:5), which is otherwise only found as a sword-name in one other saga.

Heiðreks saga offers potential insight into variation in the tradition, and competition

between versions of the narrative.

3.5.2. The Sigurðr-Cycle

The Sigurðr-Cycle was subject to a tremendous range of cultural activity.59 §21.3 treats Otr‟s Ransom. This narrative presents Óðinn and Loki as protagonists, making the Baldr-Cycle more easily and immediately recognizable as a referent. §21.3 will address

58 _{Cf. Tulinius‟s (2002:90-92) discussion of “typologies”. Biblical narratives prove valuable as a point of}

reference because what is activated is rarely a fixed and static authoritative text as found in a Bible: it is an understanding of the narrative which has been internalized through a full spectrum of its cultural activity and does not necessarily require the audience to have even read the relevant text of the Bible.

59 _{The central sources for the Norse Cycle discussed here are the eddic poems Reginsmál, Fáfnismál and}

the Death of Sigfrid and the Middle High German Nibelungenlied. The Sigurðr-Cycle is extremely important as it presents the possibility of continuity in the Baldr-Cycle as a referent from the Migration Period.

3.5.3. Starkaðr’s Sacrifice of Víkarr

Starkaðr‟s sacrifice of king Víkarr (§21.5) appears to be generated from the Baldr-Cycle as a referent. It is also significant because it is found both in Saxo‟s (1931:152-153) history and Gautreks saga (Ranisch 1900:28-32), and it therefore provides a specific example of Saxo‟s response to fantastic motifs which can be compared to his adaptation of the Baldr-Cycle.

3.5.4. Griplur and Hrómundar saga Gripssonar

The earliest manuscripts of Hrómundar saga are not older than the 17th century. These are dependent on the rímur cycle Griplur (Andrews 1911). There is also a related Scandinavian ballad tradition which appears to have evolved independently of Griplur (Andrews 1912), or perhaps from a poetic antecedent of Griplur.60 The rímur-cycle

Griplur is loaded with references to mytho-heroic sagas and poems (Andrews 1913;

Þórólfsson 1934:353-363; Jesch 1984:91-95). The adventures of Hrómundr Gripson (§21.7) are of extreme interest for two reasons. Firstly, the handling of the Baldr-Cycle as a referent appears less interested in the generation of specific meanings and more interested in it as a source of raw material to make the account more “mythic” in a general sense. Secondly, Hrómundr‟s magic sword is named Mistilteinn, and the version of the Baldr-Cycle exhibits striking correspondences to the versions of Saxo and

Heiðreks H.