Desarrollo psicológico en la edad preescolar

The UK’s GCHQ was founded in 1919 with the remit to spy in the interests of national security, preventing serious crime, or defending the UK’s economic interests. It is arguably on a similar basis that the members of the Five Eyes have directed their surveillance activities on three core activities, safeguarding their citizens from crime, achieve competitive economic advantage and countering terrorism.

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Crime

An enormous portion of social and economic life takes place on the internet, which is both less well ordered than we think, and more actively contested than we realise. Nearly two billion people have “migrated “onto the internet as their preferred means of interacting with the world around them. This has driven the rise of mobile payment systems to the extent that they now provide the biggest single challenge to the banking industry in five hundred years. Where the money goes, crime will follow.

The INTERPOL Environment Scan 2013 noted that technological developments have improved the mobility of many individuals, both in the physical and virtual world. One key issue is rising electronic crime. These crimes are often nothing more than fraud, larceny, and embezzlement carried out by more sophisticated means and impacting a much greater number of people at once. In short, they are old-fashioned crimes using high technology.

A basic policing assumption was that crime in cyberspace and crime on the streets are two separate, independent matters to be dealt with by different skills and police profiles. However, current trends in innovation are undermining that assumption, by making connectivity a constant element in real daily life and making cyber anonymity a major facilitator of physical crime. The virtual is now believed to be conducted in conjunction with the physical.

Research shows that people in our society are increasingly willing to share their data online, but mistrustful of the organisations, public and private, with which they share their information. The paradox of privacy and security and trust remains unresolved at the level of the individual as well as the level of the community. The key point about crime, espionage and conflict on the internet is that, compared to previous methods, it is easy, cheap and much less risky. A black economy has grown up providing people with the hacking tools they might want to intrude into systems and steal data, and it is clear that technical barriers to cyber-crime and espionage are falling rapidly. Sophisticated malware is now increasingly easy to obtain, at reliably low prices, with a good deal of technical support. What used to be

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the preserve of the state is increasingly within the reach of criminal groups and even individuals with enough determination to go and seek it out.

The internet known to most of us has been considerably outgrown by the dark net that is now five times bigger than the regular model. In the dark net, there is nothing that cannot be acquired. This is a digital world where the black side of humanity has found a flourishing home.

If both the public and criminals have “migrated to the internet” then the state, under its protection obligation must follow and join the migration. To leave criminals access to an unprotected portion of society would undermine liberty, freedom and equality. To put this in perspective cybercrime costs the UK economy over a billion pounds a week, with seven people being defrauded each minute. Add to this the physical harm crimes of human trafficking, enforced prostitution, gratuitous violence, drugs, arms dealing and terrorism the web is facilitating crime at an alarming rate. Electronic crime currently represents fifty percent of crime in the UK

Therefore the question of should the state access available electronic data to protect its citizens can only produce a positive answer. The key question then becomes how the state can access the data to protect its citizens and itself while minimising the perceived intrusion in citizen’s lives and loss of privacy. Currently, individuals are willing to make a trade-off. They are prepared to favour the ease and convenience of the internet knowing this is not private and not secure. However, they potentially don’t truly understand the consequences of not private and not secure.

Economic

In the post-cold war period, globalised world economic competition has become an important national security priority. Economic intelligence is defined as economic and fiscal information about the decisions and activities of foreign governments. Closely aligned, but more legally defined is international industrial espionage; the acquisition of the secrets of foreign businesses established for the benefit of the state. Policy makers consider economic intelligence to be critical for their formulation of policies

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towards foreign governments. Unfortunately economic intelligence often degenerates into espionage against private industrial companies.

Some of the largest and most successful companies on earth now make their money through the management and monetisation of data, creating the rapid emergence of what is being called the data economy. Both of these issues have huge implications for the way we think about the role of the state and the nature of privacy and security of electronic data.

In the early electronic era of the 1990’s, during a five-day Asia- Pacific Economic Co-operation, conference in which the leaders of fifteen nations gathered to discuss the future trade and security issues involving the U.S. and their Pacific partners, electronic listening devices were placed in over three hundred locations. Beyond the politicising of the alleged operation, the very nature of such an intelligence

undertaking on American soil came as no great surprise to many and generated very little attention. “ successful snooping on a grand scale is familiar stuff in the

Washington area ” (Maier, 1997, p. 2).

Twenty years on it has been claimed that Washington has exploited the ‘War on Terror” as the pretext for increasing its spying operations on rivals and allies alike. A former Intelligence Officer explained that the main focus of surveillance at the

embassy in Jakarta was political, diplomatic and economic intelligence. Similarly, Brazilian President Dilma Rousseff dismissed the U.S. argument that espionage activities were for counter-terrorism. Instead, she argued “Corporate information – often of high economic and even strategic value was at the centre of the espionage activities “ (Shah, 2013, p. 7).

The breakup of the Soviet Union has not only resulted in substantial cuts in the U.S. defence spending but has also caused the CIA’s overall mission and budget to be carefully scrutinized. Many people are asking whether the CIA resources should now be focused in ways that more directly enhance American economic competitiveness. Some members of Congress and business leaders have targeted the CIA to spy on behalf of American corporations, much as the governments of France and Japan are doing for their national companies. Unless U.S. firms can “fight fire with fire “, the

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argument goes, they will be at a decided disadvantage in the global market (Fort, 1993).

There seems to be little negative public interest in this espionage activity. Most citizens seem comfortable to have their economy protected, for them to maintain – jobs, wages and way of life. In theory for some, economic espionage is a victimless crime. In reality, it damages entire communities by ensuring the political balance of power and existing ideologies are maintained.