Ahmed (2004a) agrees with Rachman’s (1998) description of fear as an emotional reaction to an identifiable threat. Albinism is widely feared as it is often identified as a possible life threat. Ester a female non-governmental official, for example, says:
(i)f someone has a baby with albinism the whole society thinks it will be cursed. [So] if there were droughts they would blame them on the person with albinism in the society. Floods or any natural disaster [they would say] it has happened because there was or there is a person with albinism. (Ester, female NGO official).
Fear, according to Ahmed (2004a), makes people link other people with fearsome objects. Curses and natural disasters are objects that are often feared by humans. Associating albinism with curses and natural disasters makes people with albinism the cause of fear. Natural disasters are sometimes difficult to contain, even in technologically advanced countries like the US, the UK and Japan. We have, for example, witnessed how these
countries have failed to contain floods or earthquakes despite their advanced technologies. Such outcomes make natural disasters something which is not only feared in less advanced countries like Tanzania, but worldwide. Therefore, associating albinism with objects of fear can exclude those with the condition from public spaces because:
(n)obody wants to touch them because the myths tell people that if you touch a person with albinism you would be infected with the condition, they call it an illness or a disease. (Ester, female NGO official).
The fear of death could have generated such a mythology (Ahmed, 2004). Humans often fear death, so the myths that associate albinism with deadly illnesses and diseases could to a large extent induce fear. Thus make people read the condition as fearsome or fearful. In her book Stranger Encounters: Embodied Others in Post Coloniality, Ahmed (2000) explores how people are constructed as different or strangers. According to Ahmed (2000) peoples’ differences are constituted through encounters. Such encounters she says are unequal because histories of encounters had already marked some people as strangers or different. This way, nobody wants to touch people with albinism because histories transmitted through myths label them as fearsome.
When Peter, talks about his life experiences of interacting with HE opportunities, he reflects upon how he was seen as fearsome, explaining how students in his class and people generally have often hesitated to shake his hand or sit next to him in the classroom or in the bus. His proximity poses fear (Ahmed, 2004). The fear that Peter implies is not only elicited among students in his school, but also by some adults in his community, showing not only that excessive fear sticks to albinism but also that emotions are not private but, rather, socially-organised issues (Ahmed, 2004). Fear of albinism circulates in society and thus influences not only individuals but rather the society as a whole. In this case, fear has worked to align and demarcate Peter as a stranger. Peter and others with albinism are thus shunned, and seen as people who do not belong in public spaces. Peter is not the only participant with albinism who experienced a sense of not belonging in school. Meshack, another male graduate with albinism , also reflects on how he was removed from a faith-based school after he was found to have albinism. He passed an examination for entry into the faith-based school and was therefore selected for entry but, upon reporting to the school, was told by the head teacher:
(s)o, gentleman, unfortunately you will have to leave and go home and ask your parents to find you another school (Meshack, male graduate with albinism- LSES). Ahmed (2000) emphasises that a stranger is a person who we have already recognised rather than the person we fail to recognise. This means that the head teacher had already recognised and demarcated people with albinism as outsiders and therefore Meshack was marked as a person who does not belong in that school. Gold and Evans (1998) in their book Reflecting on School Management, inform us that the philosophies and values of head teachers often guide the management styles and practices of schools. They say that these styles and practices enable head teachers to intercede against possible external influences which might counter the agreed norms and values of their schools. In light of this view, I would say that the ideas and beliefs about albinism held by Meshack’s head teacher could be what informed the school’s admission policies and decisions; that even when Meshack had passed the examination necessary to enter the school, this was the factor which caused his exclusion. The fact that Meshack passed the examination could not mediate the admission policies and decisions of the school with regard to not admitting students with albinism like Meshack.
While being seen as a stranger could be a reason for Meshack’s refusal for admission, emotions of fear could be another reason for his refusal. Metcalf (2003 cited in Baker et al., 2010: 175), for example, talks about how a pregnant teacher at a primary school in Zimbabwe placed a nine-year-old student with albinism at the back of the classroom because she feared that coming into close contact with the student would result in her giving birth to a child with albinism. According to Metcalf (2003), placing the student with poor vision at the back of the class affected the child’s learning and consequently her academic performance. In this case, I would say that emotions not only work to deny the right of inclusion in education but also affect the learning and academic performance of students with albinism, thus impacting their interaction with HE opportunities.
Simon, a male student with albinism with LSES also shares his school experiences. Simon reflects on his primary school experiences and recalls that:
(i)t annoyed and hurt me but I could not do anything about it, because students in my primary school would refuse to share textbooks with me. They would even refuse to touch a textbook that I had touched because they would say that they would be infected with my fatal disease. (Simon, male student with albinism -LSES).
Through myths, students have been made to believe that albinism is dangerous. These beliefs circulated within Simon’s school bring fear of survival to some students. Fear then works to construct Simon as a ‘stranger’ among his fellow students, thus implying what Ahmed (2000) refers to as ‘stranger danger’. In Ahmed’s terms a ‘stranger danger’ transgresses perceived boundaries and engenders fear in the native (2000: 37). This means Simon engenders fear to students without albinism in the respective school. It therefore followed that students without albinism were aligned as bodies at ‘home’, having domination or monopolized power over the textbooks and other resources. From such domination Simon’s right of sharing a textbook was denied. Likewise, his right of access to resources and to participate with other students was equally denied.
In Tanzania it is a common practice for students, especially those in primary and secondary schools, to share textbooks during classes, as a consequence of reduced resources. One textbook may be shared among four to five students. So when Simon was denied such opportunities, his learning process was to a large extent affected as lack of textbooks might have affected his academic achievement. Textbooks, as Hutchinson and Torres suggest, are important tools for the students’ learning process as they supplement what a student learns in class (1994: 327). Textbooks, therefore, are still a highly important learning tool, particularly to students in countries like Tanzania where online reading materials are often not easily accessible. Bourdieu and Boltanski (1981) suggest that educational achievement is widely linked with participation in cultural actions such as book-reading and accessibility. Given the Tanzanian context, limiting Simon’s access to textbooks would considerably affect his educational achievement.
Poor vision limits the ability of students with albinism to read books in small font, or at a distance. This means they need special textbooks which have large print. Such textbooks would support their reading, thus allowing them a comfortable reading and learning environment. The 14 students with the condition I interviewed talk about the lack of large-print textbooks in all phases of their education, raising the need to have appropriate learning facilities such as magnifiers or monoculars so as to support their learning. Going back to how Peter, Meshack and Simon were seen as strangers or outsiders, Grace and Happiness reflect a different pattern. For them, there was a sense of belonging. Grace talks about how she received widespread support and closeness from people in
her community, including her fellow students, teachers and neighbours. Like Grace, Happiness talks about the support and encouragement that she often received from people in her village, as well as from students in both her primary and secondary schools. To a large extent, Happiness a female graduate with albinism attributes her participation in HE to some of her neighbours and community members in her village. She recalls how some of them used to see her as an academically capable student and would therefore encourage her to work hard at her studies. Here, as explained in detail in Chapter Six, Happiness talks about the discussions she had with her fellow students, largely attributing her participation in HE to the respect and acceptance accorded to her by fellow students and community members. The cases of Grace and Happiness are an indication that albinism is not always seen as out of place or excluded in institutional settings like schools. There are times when those with the condition are included.
Grace and Happiness are from the same region in Tanzania. Their region has no known incidences of people with albinism killings or amputation. Moreover, Grace and Happiness were the only participants with albinism who talk about their communities providing them with sunscreen lotion. Grace, for example, started using the sunscreen lotion at the age of four, while Happiness was five when she began using it. They both attend skin clinics every six months before they are issued with the lotions. Both Grace and Happiness have visibly smooth skin with minimal sunburn.
Going back to the experiences of exclusion, other participants with albinism who share similar experiences of not belonging or in other words being seen as fearsome are Sarah and Angel. Sarah and Angel are both female students with albinism with LSES. In separate interviews, Sarah and Angel, who were both in boarding schools, talk about their experiences of being excluded by their fellow students. Sarah and Angel reflect on incidents where their schoolmates would isolate and avoid touching things that they had touched. While both Sarah and Angel show signs of sorrow when discussing their educational experiences, Angel goes further and says:
(s)ome students would hold the spoon like this (indicating the holding) and then they would wash it as if I was dirt or rubbish. It is very painful when your fellow students treat you as dirty or disgusting. (Angel, female student with albinism- LSES). Ahmed (2004a) would argue that the act of students refusing to touch a spoon that Angel had touched implies that albinism has already been seen as dirt, and Angel as a carrier of
dirt. To avoid that contamination, therefore, students in Angel’s school attempt to distance themselves from that dirt. In addition, Angel implies Ahmed’s (2004a) sticky notion, in which Ahmed suggests that an object can assume a value of disgust when it is repetitively named so. This could mean that through repetitive myths and beliefs albinism had assumed a sticky value of disgust. It seems that the sticky value of disgust for albinism has leapt from epoch to epoch, influencing some students in Angel’s school to equate albinism with disgust. This repetition and generational transmission of disgust prevents the condition from acquiring new meaning and values even now. The circulation of disgust produces a system of oppression of those with albinism like Angel. Oppression, according to (Rich, 1976; Carlson, 1986 cited in Morley, 1992) causes a long-lasting hurt, which often affects our wellbeing and thus our various social and economic opportunities. In this way, the various opportunities of Angel and other people with albinism, including those of interacting with HE are likely to be affected by the disgust that is attached to albinism.
Sarah is another female student with albinism who talks about her experiences of being found ‘disgusting’, this time within HE. Sarah’s reflection is an indication that disgust towards albinism was not only circulating in schools but also in HE, emphasising the stickiness of disgust towards albinism at all phases of the Tanzanian education system. Here Sarah talks about her experiences in HE, and says:
(w)hen I would try to befriend some students in my course programme, they would indicate that they don’t want you because they are not willing. Like as if I am disgusting, but what can you do. I would just be with them just like that. (Sarah, female student with albinism- LSES)
Sarah illustrates how disgust worked to construct her as ‘out of place’. Such sticky emotions, according to Ahmed (2012), can make some students in universities remain as guests even though institutions may be implementing diversity policies. This means that institutions, including Sarah’s university, often have people who are considered as norms. Any person seen to be different from this norm is therefore considered deviant or outsider. I can say that Sarah and other students with albinism have remained outsiders at their universities even though they have been physically present there because albinism is not the norm in universities. In other words, I would say that despite Sarah’s being a university student, she is to some extent not fully included, as she is a guest who does not belong there. By being a guest in HE, means that Sarah is excluded.
By feeling the exclusion Sarah reflects upon her struggle to be included. To Sarah her inclusion often depended on the empathy of students to accept interacting with her. This power relation still privileges students without albinism and thus subordinates those with albinism, showing traces of symbolic violence in Sarah’s and others like Peter, Meshack, Simon, Angel and Happiness’ processes of interacting with other students in HE.
As I have said above, Ahmed (2012), in her book On Being Included: Racism and Diversity
in Institutional Life, maintains that some HE institutions have assumed certain people as
their norm. This being the case, Sarah’s university has norm bodies and Sarah’s body is not one of them. Being outside the norm, Sarah is categorised as different and therefore avoided. According to Ahmed (2012), when norm bodies are in place they construct deviant bodies, which assume a vulnerable position. The position of vulnerability that Sarah assumes can affect her studies, as she may at times feel a discomfort or incompetency, particularly when required to participate in learning activities such as group discussions or assignments. Thomas provides a similar example of being shunned by other students, recalling how he felt worthless when he was removed from his discussion group after one student advised group members to do so because his presence would make the others fail their university examinations. According to Thomas, that sense of worthlessness affected his participation in class discussions as well as in other group discussions.
Another participant who reflects upon the stickiness of disgust towards albinism is Abraham a male NGO official who has albinism. Abraham recalls incidents where some people would spit down when they came face-to-face with him. In Tanzanian culture people are likely to spit when they see or smell something disgusting or unpleasant. This could mean that a thing that looks or smells disgusting or unpleasant is hated and pushed out through spitting. Spitting can be triggered by emotions of hating what is disgusting. This way, spitting in relation to albinism could mean pushing out what is hated, making spitting an act of symbolic violence. Spitting, then, works as violence meant to symbolically harass and abuse those with albinism who in Ahmed’s (2004a) words are seen as disgusting. As far as I can remember, spitting out albinism has been practised for so many years that it now seems as if it has been culturally legitimised, has become habitual and is not taken as an act of violence. This is because we often believe that violence is only harmful if it is physical (Bourdieu, 1984).
Angel is another participant who talks about her life experiences of being spat on. Given the age difference between Angel and Abraham as shown in Table 1 and 5, there is an indication that ‘spitting out’ albinism has leapt between generations and is still practised. This means that affect has stuck to albinism and has slid from one people with albinism to the other. In her article Affective Economies, Ahmed suggests that ‘the movement between signs does not have its origin in the psyche, but is a trace of how histories remain alive in the present’ (2004a: 126). In this case, I can say that in relation to spitting out albinism, history is basically responsible for the circulation of disgust which has circulated around albinism for years and which continues to circulate in the present.
While disgust continues to circulate on albinism, emotional act of spitting was not only a practice in Tanzania but was also practised in some other African countries. For example, in Zimbabwe and Malawi we are told people also spit down when they meet people with albinism (McNeil, 1997; Baker et al., 2010). In this particular research, Angel, who is approximately 25 years younger than Abraham, recalls spitting incidents and says: (s)tudents in my school and other people would spit down when they see me and would call me zeru zeru [ghost] instead of calling me my name. (Angel, female students with albinism- LSES).
Given Angel’s reflection, the meaning of spitting seems to shift from pushing out disgust to pushing the fearsome ‘ghost’ out of the spitter. This way, spitting could also symbolically be an assurance of safety and give a sense of security to those who feel and read albinism as a threat to their lives. This could mean that in Tanzania spitting is contradictory, as it could either mean pushing out disgust or pushing out a fearsome object. Both meanings, however, suggest that the disgust and fearsomeness felt towards albinism are pushed out, so that they do not enter the spitter.
Eliza who is the mother of children with albinism also confirms the spitting out of albinism. Here Eliza talks about the incident where she was walking with one of her children and met a pregnant woman she says:
(t)here was a time I was with my kid we were walking and I saw a pregnant woman when she saw us, she looked at my son you know what she did she just took her piece of khanga and spat on it and crossed the road so that we don’t meet face to face when I asked some people why the woman acted so they said it was because