5. Aplicación de resultados en el desarrollo de personajes y escenarios
5.5. Descripción de la propuesta final
Research has indicated that why and how users use SNSs is affected by cultural norms, codes and values prevalent in their cultures (Arola, 2010). Comparing U.S. and Korean college students’ motives and patterns of using SNSs, Kim et al. (Bray, 2005; Yoojung Kim et al., 2011) find that, although the major motives of using SNSs—connecting to friends, seeking social support entertainment, information and convenience—are similar between the two cultural groups, the value, or weight, they assign to these motives differs. For instance, while Korean users tend to use SNSs more often to seek support from existing relationships, which requires deeper involvement and commitment, U.S. users tend to use SNSs for casual relationships or to seek entertainment.
The differences in SNS users’ motives and usage that connect to their cultures exist even in cultures that share a common origin or are closely related. Comparing U.S. and European users, Vasalou et al. (2011) conclude that culture is a factor that influences users’ “true
commitment” to using a certain SNS, manifested in activities through which users create value and content, stay active and loyal, and involve others. In this particular case, the authors note, the factor of culture even has greater impact on users’ activities than their experience with technology, or technological literacy, in general.
At the same time, studies have shown that designers in different cultures have
intentionally or unintentionally designed SNSs that reflect the cultural values and norms of their intended users. For instance, interview responses of users of Cyword, a Korea-‐based SNS, suggested that Cyword’s design supports users to maintain relationships transferred from the offline world in Korea’s collectivist culture (2010). SNS designers in different cultures design rhetorical styles customized so that they are culturally appropriate and effective for their target users (K.-‐H. Kim & Yun, 2008). In a comparative study between the U.S.-‐based SNS Facebook and the Japan-‐based Mixi, for instance, the researchers find that the style of persuasion designs—rhetorical practices that aim at motivating users to take specific target actions—for these two websites mirror their cultural values and norms (Fogg & Iizawa, 2008). As Facebook’s persuasion design tends to be more assertive and mechanistic, Mixi’s appears to be subtle and indirect (Fogg & Iizawa, 2008).
The literature review above shows that with the growth of SNS use across the globe, especially in cultures other than that of Europe and North America, there is a need in the design of SNSs to consider the cultural contexts of use. On the other hand, understanding the deep connection between design and its cultural context opens up opportunities for developers and designers to improve SNS design for users. Despite the need for knowledge and practice of a culturally conscious approach to SNS design, not much research has been done to further our
understanding of culture’s role and influence in shaping the design of SNSs besides the pieces aforementioned in this section. In the next section, I review the literature in general website cultural usability research to lay out the foundation for the present study, and further discuss the gaps in the existing research as well as the need for new research.
Technical and professional communicators have carried out research to explore the impact of national or ethnic culture on website design and user experience since the late 1990s (Fogg & Iizawa, 2008). Arnold pointed out the increasingly diverse cultural backgrounds of web users at the time compelled technical communicators to start paying attention to designing web-‐based content with the consideration of users’ cultural diversity (Arnold, 1998; St. Amant, 2005; Zahedi, Van Pelt, & Song, 2001). Terms such as “culturability” and “cultural usability” are used to call attention to culture’s influence on website usability as well as the usability of software for international use (Arnold, 1998).
Empirical research in website cultural usability shares two main objectives, as identified by Badre (Badre, 2000; Barber & Badre, 1998). The first is to “identify and study design
standards and conventions that distinguish cultures as manifested in existing Web pages” and the second is to “understand how cultural influences lead to variations in peoples’ behaviors and practices” (2000).
To achieve the first objective, researchers carry out studies in which they analyze features of websites designed in different cultures and identify what Barber and Badre (Badre, 2000, p. 3) call “cultural marks,” or, “interface design elements and features that are prevalent, and possibly preferred, within a particular cultural group” (par. 3). Barber and Badre (1998) argue that a cultural marker, such as a national symbol, color, or spatial organization, for
example, denotes a conventionalized use of the feature in the web-‐site, not an anomalous feature that occurs infrequently” and thus “signif[ies] a cultural affiliation” (par. 3). By identifying cultural markers on websites designed in a particular culture, researchers and designers can develop guidelines for designing the same type of websites for users within this culture (1998).
Another approach to website cultural usability research focuses on the relationship between the user’s culture and how they use the web and perceive design. Researchers taking this approach observe, analyze, and compare users’ attitudes about web design and how users use websites in different cultures (Amant, 2005; Cyr & Trevor-‐Smith, 2004; Fraternali & Tisi, 2008; Nitish Singh & Pereira, 2005). Research has shown that users from different cultures respond differently to concrete and abstract representations and that thematic and functional structures and their performance can be improved through learning even when using website not designed to their preferences (Arnold, 1998; Choong & Salvendy, 1999; Sapienza, 2008). Others show that users’ cultural backgrounds play a substantial role in determining website design preferences and attitudes, and the effectiveness of website cultural customization is affected by how strong the user identifies with her ethnic culture (Choong & Salvendy, 1999).
Many studies in cross-‐cultural web design and/or web cultural usability have used Hofstede’s cultural dimensions theory and Hall’s cultural contexting theory as discussed in the previous section (Hall, 1983, 1989; Hall & Hall, 1990; Hofstede, 2001; Hofstede et al., 2010). Some of these studies are design-‐focused, and rely on the assumption of conventions and use actual websites as objects of inquiry (Ackerman, 2002; Cyr & Trevor-‐Smith, 2004; H. Kim et al., 2009; Marcus & Gould, 2000; Nitish Singh & Pereira, 2005). These studies often analyze
elements on websites designed locally, i.e., designed in the geographically local location and by designers from the local culture, and summarize the patterns of design and conventions found on websites designed in and for certain cultures. Other studies test user’s performance in the lab setting or examine users’ perception on certain designs or design elements that are
representative of characteristics considered typical to certain cultures (Badre, 2000; Gevorgyan & Manucharova, 2009).
Previous research in website cultural usability has established the importance of considering users’ cultural backgrounds in website design, but its narrow focus on the visual presentation of information limits its application on exploring the impact of culture on the design of SNSs in the Web 2.0 era. For instance, Badre (Callahan, 2006) has listed “colors, spatial organization, fonts, shapes, icons and metaphors, geography, language, flags, sounds, and motion” as design elements that “contribute to the design and content of a Web page, which directly affects the way that a user interacts with the site.” These are the design concerns of many researchers in cultural usability (Badre, 2000, p. 2). Others examine the connection between culture and the design architecture of websites, such as superstructure, chunking, and navigation (Callahan, 2006; Cyr & Trevor-‐Smith, 2004; Nitish Singh & Pereira, 2005). The central concern of these studies is how information is presented, rather than how information and activities are mediated through design. As Sun (McCool, 2006) has pointed out, website localization specialists often focus their attention on the “delivery aspects of technology” but neglect the complexities of the actual practice and activities users carry out when interact with technology and with each other through technology in a certain cultural context. The research, thus, is mainly concerned with what Hoft (2006, p. 460) calls “general localization” rather than
“radical localization” that “incorporates cultural differences that affect the way users think, feel, and act, above and beyond the superficial differences.” Accordingly, in these studies,
researchers focus narrowly on the design of graphical user interface (GUI), and neglect other important components in the UI. For instance, Johnson (1998) argues that rather than the “covering” of the system, the interface “can consist of the materials that explain a system’s functions, like instructional materials or documentation” (p. 27). In the case of SNSs, function features and network regulations and policies that stipulate users’ rights are particular important components of the UI.
To bridge this gap, I conduct a comparative study of the design of microblogging SNSs Twitter designed in the United States and Sina Weibo designed in China to answer the following research questions:
1. Whether the designs of Twitter and Sina Weibo indicate changes in the identity of microblogging SNS when it is transferred to and localized in China? 2. What are the implications of the findings in the impact of culture on
technological identities of SNSs as well as usability research and practice? By answering these questions, I hope to further the understanding of culture’s impact on SNS design and their identities as they are transferred across cultures. At the same time, I want to offer a point-‐in-‐time comparison between the designs of the SNSs in the two countries when the two markets are not yet completely integrated, which will offer a reference for future studies in the effects of a globalized economy on cross-‐cultural technology transfer.
Methodologically, I propose a new method of user-‐centered, function-‐oriented, qualitative analysis of SNS design, informed by the user-‐centered cultural usability approach
and the theory of technological identity. With this method, the focus of the analysis of the SNS design will be the design elements of both functions and user interface that support users’ activities on the SNS and affect users’ experience of using the SNS. This methodological approach broadens the scope of the research in cultural usability from visual elements to functions, and from instrumental and operational affordances to social affordances.
Theoretically, I hope to introduce the theory of technological identity to technical communication as a research paradigm in web cultural usability research, and to enrich the theory of technological identity by introducing a user-‐centered technology perspective.