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This study has attempted to explain how the Eritrean Assembly was operating in the decade-long life of the disgruntled Eritrean-Ethiopian federation and the role it played in defending and destroying Eritrean autonomy. It also tried to explain the role and actions of the Ethiopian government in the federation which eventually led to the demise of the arrangement.

The Eritrean-Ethiopian federation was principally a faulty association which tried to create a marriage between two incompatible systems, a link between an absolute feudal monarchy and a parliamentary democracy. It lacked an equivalence on the political systems of the parties in the arrangement. For Emperor Haile Selassie, democracy in Eritrea was a clear threat to his power since the rest of his empire remained feudal and monarchical. In the views of the Ethiopian government, therefore, the federal arrangement and the presence of an autonomous Eritrea were perceived as obstacles to the centralization of power. It would be naivety to expect the Emperor, whose government had no exposure to democratic rule, to tolerate an autonomy and a flourishing democracy in Eritrea, which were absolutely contrary to his system. The federation was therefore, not only a threat to Emperor Haile Selassie's government but also beyond its capacity to manage it.

When such political reality coupled with the Ethiopian government's unwavering territorial claims on Eritrea, it proved deadly to the life of the federation. The Ethiopian government accepted the federal association of the two countries as a mere return of a "lost province" into the empire. Hence, Eritrea was never accepted as a partner in the Federation. This uncompromising posture of Ethiopia was the main impediment for the progress of the Eritrean-Ethiopian federation. In the immediate outset of the Federation, therefore, the Ethiopian government started to undermine the autonomy of Eritrea and its democratic institutions. The promising start of the Eritrean government, a regime established with democratic principles and having key features of democratic rule such as a constitution, an Assembly, an independent judiciary and a flourishing free press, was therefore curtailed in the early years of the federation.

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If we look into the Eritrean sphere, the perceptions of Eritreans towards their autonomy and their reaction either in safeguarding or destroying it, was highly influenced by their perception and relation with Ethiopia. Throughout the British and the Federal periods, Eritreans were socially and political divided. The perception and ideology of the competing social and political groups in Eritrea and their relation to the Ethiopian state was highly influenced by ethnicity and religion. This was vividly articulated in the bitter struggles between the Unionists and the anti-unionists, mainly the Muslim League. These rival forces had no consensus on the fundamental question of the Eritrean nation. Both group having aimed at securing maximum access to the power of the state and suspicious of each other opted to operate in a different direction. The Muslim League and its adherents with an anticipatory fear of domination by Ethiopia rejected any closer political association with the Ethiopian state. Conversely, the Unionists with an anticipatory hope that their position could be better served by a close political association with the Ethiopian state endeavored for political unity with Ethiopia. Under their respective assumptions, both camps operated to protect their respective interests. As these groups were the major forces that constituted the core of the Eritrean Assembly, the attainment of these political objectives clearly transpired in the Eritrean Assembly's operation. While anti-unionists vied for the protection of Eritrean autonomy, Unionists worked for its destruction.

Throughout the federation years, holding the federal authority and with no outside body monitoring its actions, Ethiopia was free to dictate matters as it saw fit. The violation of the Federal Act and the attack on Eritrean autonomy, however, generated a notable opposition during the term of the first Eritrean Assembly. The struggle to maintain Eritrean autonomy was centered among a group of federalists in the Eritrean Assembly, majority of them Muslims which had more suspicion and apprehension towards Ethiopia. Although constantly harassed by the Eritrean and Ethiopian governments, a small band of federalist members of the Assembly fought hard to protect Eritrean autonomy and maintain the integrity of the Federation. The Assembly's prominent federalist figures such as Ibrahim Sultan, Kadi Ali Omar, Abba Habtemariam Nugurru, Omar Akito, Saleh Musa Abudawud and others attempted to safeguard the rights of Eritrea in the federation. They send several petitions to the Emperor, his representative in Eritrea and the UN, the architect of the federal plan which became reluctant to monitor the progress and proper implementation of the very arrangement it devised.

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Although it had demonstrated a considerable opposition against the violation of the Federal Act and Eritrean autonomy, the first Eritrean Assembly did not succeeded in fully safeguarding Eritrean autonomy mainly due to the polarized socio-political position of the groups it had consisted. The social and political divisions and rivalry of the groups in the Assembly severely paralyzed the Assembly. When diverse social and political groups with different objectives operate together it is hard to reach a consensus. In its operation the Eritrean Assembly basically lacked a common national vision. The influential figures in the Assembly were more concerned to promote their respective political and group interests and there was no space among them to compromise and bargain.

The presence of a dominant Unionist faction, a group which had campaigned for unconditional union with Ethiopia, in the Assembly largely contributed to the failure of the Assembly's effort to maintain Eritrean autonomy. Although a few of them were gradually turned federalists, the majority delegates of the Unionists were not willing to stand by the cause of Eritrean autonomy in the event of its violation. Preserving one's social position and promoting group interests also weakened the power of the Eritrean Assembly. The case of the Muslim League of the Western Province (MLWP), a group with significant influence in the Assembly's operation, was exemplary. Aiming to hit at the Muslim League, whose political activity severely hampered the patrimonial power of most the chief in Western Province, for most of the period the MLWP made tactical alliance with the Unionists. The alliances of the Unionists and MLWP showed how social and political groups irrespective of their political agendas and differences forge an alliance to serve comment interest. Hence, the power of the Muslim League, a group that vied to maintain Eritrean autonomy, in the Assembly was contained by the alliance of the Unionists and the MLWP.

The failure of the Unionist dominated Eritrean leadership to question and challenge the actions of the Ethiopian government and rather its devotion to the Ethiopian position also heavily jeopardized Eritrean autonomy. For the most part the divided Eritrean Assembly also failed to push the Eritrean leadership for an accountability. The attack on the Eritrean autonomy became fatal when in 1955 a bonding bridge between the Ethiopian and Eritrean executive was created with the appointment of the vice representative of the Emperor to the post of Chief Executive of the Eritrean government.

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Creating a subordinate leadership in the Eritrean government, the Crown successfully prevented the return of the federalist group of the first Eritrean Assembly into the Second. As elections are subject to political manipulations and mechanisms through which political agendas were executed, the 1956 elections ably used to make sure that the Assembly seats were filled with people devoted for the cause of union with Ethiopia. The 1956 rigid election, therefore, expelled all the federalist elements of the previous Assembly to give Ethiopia a free hand to manipulate the Assembly. Through the combined efforts of the Crown's Representative and the Eritrean Executive, the second Eritrean Assembly became a tool of the palace. In its four years' term in office, the Assembly easily guided to enact several legislations that severely compromised the autonomy of Eritrea. Many of these legislations were propositions which the previous Assembly refute.

The Emperor in his part skillfully destroyed Eritrean autonomy through bribery, deception, blandishment, and intimidation. He took every possible opportunity to weaken Eritrea's federal status and bring her more close to his rule. As part of the process the Eritrean Assembly became a chief target of the Crown. The Assembly was, therefore, purposely weakened. It was packed with traditional chiefs, people with insufficient exposure to education and no knowhow to the intricate system of Assembly politics, and more preferably with faithful elements. Consequently, members of the Eritrean Assembly, mainly those in the second and third Assemblies, were easily manipulated by the Crown's representative. The few dissident members were bribed and coerced that their posture came in line to the Ethiopian position or at least compelled to remain neutral. The socio-economic situation of the period was effectively manipulated by the Ethiopian government to promote its political agenda. The weak economic position of Assembly members and their ambition to power gave an impetus to the successful execution of Emperor's Eritrean policy. As a matter of fact many members were dependent on their double salary, one from the Eritrean government and the other from the palace, for living. Many of them were also given traditional positions as chiefs for which they were paid. These circumstances had huge impact in influencing the political stances members had. In the presence of an overwhelming pressure from the federal and Eritrean authorities, it would be hard to expect Assembly members to work against their personal or group interests.

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The Third Eritrean Assembly had similar nature to the Second. Like its predecessor, it was erected with large interference of authorities in the elections and was staffed with carefully selected people. However, with the key pillars of Eritrean autonomy dismantled by its predecessor, the third Eritrean Assembly's role in the dismemberment of the federation was insignificant. This Assembly was in no position either to defend or destruct the Eritrean autonomy. Nonetheless, in a hope that it could give the Ethiopian government a sufficient legal ground to annul the Federation, the Crown made a massive effort initially to convince and later to coerce the third Eritrean Assembly to vote for Eritrea's complete union with Ethiopia.

One important issue that this study clarified is the final role the Eritrean Assembly in the dissolution of the federation. So far two versions of Eritrea's annexation exist: one by a unanimous vote from the Assembly and the other by imperial decree. The dominant discourse in the existing literature indicates the was a "unanimous vote" from the Eritrean Assembly in favor of ending the federation. Research result of this study affirms that, although throughout the federation years the Eritrean Assembly played a considerable role in destroying Eritrean autonomy, the Assembly never voted to end of the federal arrangement. It was claimed by the Ethiopian State and still asserted in some academic and public discourses that the Eritrean Assembly "unanimously voted" for union with Ethiopia. This is a misleading information. The fact is that the Assembly had no voice on the matter. Eritrea's fate was determined by the Emperor's government and the termination of the federation was the sole decision of Ethiopia. The Ethiopian government declared the federation null and void without securing the Eritrean grassroots' support. It gradually destroyed the Federation through creating a collaborative class in the Eritrean leadership and by weakening the Eritrean Assembly. Initially the Emperor's divide and rule policy was paying in the socially divided Eritrean political sphere. His policy in the long term, however, proved futile and became rather harmful to both countries. The Emperor's government failed to convince the vast majority of Eritreans of the advantage for Union. It rather attempted to contain Eritrean opposition through might. Throughout the federation years, popular resentment to Ethiopian rule and political struggle to keep an autonomous Eritrea was mounting. The growing political struggles to desist the Ethiopian government from its action were unsuccessful and the Federation was dissolved without popular support. Seeing their autonomy vanish and their territory forcibly incorporated into the Ethiopian empire, Eritreans were

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convinced that the way to deal Ethiopia was through an armed resistance. The Eritrean armed struggle for independence was launched in response to Ethiopia's gradual and unconvincing takeover of Eritrea. The dissolution of the Eritrean-Ethiopian federation had fatal effects. The protracted war that followed ravaged and destroyed both countries. The long struggle against Ethiopian hegemony claimed thirty years to give Eritreans the right for self determination.