Descripción textual de los casos de uso del sistema

The multi-dimensional inflectional marker -na: was introduced in §3.2.3 to highlight its propensity to function as an imperfective in naturally-occurring speech, as well as to preview its role as a past tense marker. Narrative past -na: presents a situation as in progress in the past or characteristic of a time period restricted to the past. Beyond aspect and tense, the central meaning of -na: appears to be evidential, as elaborated below in §6.4.

In terms of tense, narrative past -na: invokes a relative reference time (supplied by the context) situated prior to an absolute reference time (the present moment). The situation formally marked by -na: may be concurrent with, prior to, or subsequent to the time of that past reference point, which often corresponds to a main storyline event (see Figure 5.2). In other words, the absolute location in time is always prior to the present moment (past tense), but the location in time relative to the past reference time is a function of the pragmatic context.

Figure 5.2 Time reference associated with narrative past -na:

REFERENCE PRESENT TIME MOMENT PAST

◄▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬●▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬▬●

SITUATION (-na:)

TIME

In the following example, the past reference time is indicated in the first sentence with past perfective -ra, and the situation marked by -na: in the following sentence is concurrent with it.

Concurrence also holds in (192), where the sentence with past perfective -sha is followed by a sentence marked with -na:.

116 Crossing aspectual frontiers

(152) Niku-pis aywa-ra-n Wanac-pa ashi-q ari. mama-ntsi:-qa tsa Niko-EVEN go-PST-3 Wanac-GEN search-PRMT yes mother-1I-TOP then hina-lla-pis ari mundongu-ta-qa hichka-ku-yka:-na:

same-DLM-EVEN yes tripe-OBJ-TOP scrape-MID-CONT-PST.N

mantsa-ka-sha-lla-pis fear-PASS-PTCP-DLM-EVEN

‘Niko also went (-ra) to search near Wanac. Meanwhile, our mother was continuing to scrape (-na:) tripe just as if the situation were normal, even though she was afraid.’

In (153) the time of the situation marked by -na: is prior to the past reference time (marked by past perfective -sha), similar to the English pluperfect or “past within the past.” Unlike a typical pluperfect, -na: appears on consecutive sentences in (189) below in §6.4.

(153) Tayanqocha-la:-pa ari, qeshpi-pa:-ma-sha-qa Huamparan-pita Tayancocha-SIDE-GEN yes escape-BEN-1OBJ-PST.R3-TOP Huamparán-ABL

Kachitsinan-la:-pa. tsay-la:-chu:-na-sh punta-ta-si tari-ya:-na:.

Kachitsinan-SIDE-GEN that-SIDE-LOC-NOW-RPT first-OBJ-EVEN find-PL.V-PST.N

‘It escaped (-sha) from me near Huamparán heading toward Tayancocha and Kachitsinan. Reportedly, in the latter area they had found (-na:) them on previous occasions.’

As we have just seen, the situation marked by -na: can be prior to the past reference time, as in (153) and (189), or concurrent with it, as in (152) and (192). In the following more extended conversational excerpt in (154), the situation time is subsequent to the past reference time, continuing the narrative sequence. In other words, -na: can occasionally be used to advance the main storyline.

Each verb in (154) that advances the storyline is indicated by an arrow to the left of the translation line. Initially, the narrative moves forward with a sequence of verbs marked with past perfective -sh. It continues with two verbs marked with narrative past -na:. The motivation for the shift from -sh to -na: in this narrative sequence is based on factors other than placement in time. Evidential and modal functions of -na: are discussed below in §6.4.⁹⁷

97 For a thorough treatment of discourse motivations underlying the elaborate tense shifts among all of the past time reference markers in SCQ, see Diane Hintz (2007b).

5 Aspect and tense 117 (154) R: tsay-na aywa-sh tsay-man, …tsa papa:-nin-ta willa-pti-n-qa, that-NOW go-PST.R3 that-ALL then father-3-OBJ inform-DS-3-TOP

→ ‘After he told his dad, he (his dad) went (-sh) over there.

tsay ..a Ernesto Garay-qa aywa-sh don Benito-man-qa ari ni-q-nin, that um Ernesto Garay-TOP go-PST.R3 sir Benito-ALL-TOP yes say-PRMT-3

→ So Ernesto Garay went (-sh) to Benito’s to say to him,

“wamra-yki suwa-pa-sh wamra-:-pa ro:pa-n-kuna-ta.

child-2 steal-^BEN-^PST.^R3 child-1-^GEN clothes-3-^PL.^N-^OBJ “Your son stole (-sh) my son’s clothes.

…tsay-rikoq-ta wamra-ta ashma-Ø-nki”, that-CLASS-OBJ child-OBJ raise-PRS-2 Is this the way you raise (-Ø) your son?”

ni-pti-n-qa qeru-wan ka:si wiru-ska-mu-na: na-qa.

say-DS-3-TOP wood-COM almost hit-PFV-FAR-PST.N thing-TOP

→ When he (Ernesto) said this, so-and-so (Benito) almost hit (-na:) him with a stick.

“noqa tsay-no:-ta-ku ashma-Ø-: wamra-:-ta ima-m, I that-SIM-OBJ-Q.P raise-PRS-1 child-1-OBJ what-DIR

“As if I raise (-Ø) my son like this, o noqa-ku manda-ra-:”, …ni-r, or I-Q.P send-PST-1 say-SS

or I sent (-ra) him (to do it),” saying.

tsay-na doña Ado:ra-qa ari, um “kay-cho:-cha: ka-yka-Ø-n.

that-NOW mrs. Adora-TOP yes um this-LOC-MUT be-CONT-PRS-3 Then Mrs. Adora, “Here it is (-Ø).

ama-ri pi-ta-pis willa-ku-yku-ya-y-tsu.” ni-r-nin, no-^SURE who-^OBJ-^EVEN inform-^MID-^PFV.^C-^PL.^V-^IMP2-^NEG say-^SS-3

Don’t you dare tell (-y) anybody,” saying,

…hipi-mu-na: chachak qepi-sha-ta tsay-chu Walter-pa take.out-FAR-PST.N very.tight wrap.up-PTCP-OBJ that-LOC Walter-GEN

sapatu-n-ta-pis.

shoe-3-^OBJ-^EVEN

→ she took out (-na:) a tightly tied bundle with Walter’s shoes inside too.’

118 Crossing aspectual frontiers

Finally, sequences of -na: can also be used for past situations, even when an additional past reference point is implied but not specified. The reference time may be remote, as when establishing the setting of a story, but the remote sense is not necessarily temporal, as in the retelling of a dream. The following example is from a legendary tale embedded in a conversation. The speaker begins with -na: to indicate a past orientation for this situation which is outside of normal experience. Subsequently, she switches from -na: to the historical present and to the past perfective -sha to advance the action of the story.⁹⁸

(155) kay-no: pobri-sh ka-ya:-na: ari. mama-n-kuna wamra-n-kuna this-SIM poor-RPT be-PL.V-PST.N yes mother-3-PL.N child-3-PL.N

atska ka-na:. tsay ashi-ku-q aywa-ya:-na: mama-n-kuna-qa.

many be-PST.N that search-^MID-^PRMT go-PL.V-PST.N mother-3-^PL.^N-^TOP

‘They were extremely poor. There were many parents and their children. Those parents would go to search (for food).’

Summarizing, the multifaceted narrative past marker -na: appears in paradigmatic contrast with other inflectional TAM markers in the obligatory verbal slot I2. It typically reports a situation in progress in the past or characteristic of a time period restricted to the past.

Specifically, it presents a situation as located concurrent with, prior to, or subsequent to a reference point that is itself located in the past. That past reference point (supplied by the context) often corresponds to a main storyline event.

Narrative past -na: can also serve discourse functions in which an additional past reference point is not specified, e.g., establishing the setting of a story or retelling a dream. In addition to aspect and tense, -na: also has modal and evidential functions, as discussed in §6.4.