Desintegración Familiar.

In this research, I present myself both as researcher and microfinance practitioner. The entry into the Chinyika Community was made possible by a direct request from the village Headman who wanted ECLOF International to consider starting microfinance activities in his area. From the onset, the Headman was made aware that for microfinance activities to be sustainable, there was need for a critical mass to generate sustainable activities. Services targeted at one village did not fit that requirement. The Headman proposed trying out a community microfinance initiative. A decision was made to visit

the village to determine the feasibility of a partnership with the community for a community-driven microfinance initiative. I took this opportunity as a researcher to also engage in a participatory inquiry on how the community voices informed the process of attaining food security. The village Headman enabled access to the Chinyika Community and I held conversations with a group of women representing the chosen leadership of the community. It soon became clear that the community viewed me as someone who was there to help them get loans for business. One participant in admonishing the group, confirmed this: “my friends, this woman has come from far and we are not saying what is in our hearts. We should just open up and say what we need” (chc.11.2). I corrected that impression and inquired on how the community managed to secure their food resource in the face of persistent drought. The community members narrated how they worked together to achieve food security. I was thus able to collect data for the first case study.

Having been born in Zimbabwe, I still had a strong mastery of the local language and that helped me conduct the interviews and communicate my research objectives in the Shona language. The community did not necessarily change its view of me as a ‘donor’ who would bring money under the right circumstances, but because I spoke the language, they connected with me as “mwana we mumusha” (a child of the village). I also engendered this view by observing traditional etiquette of dress, sitting and greeting arrangements. Furthermore, the Headman’s influence made it possible for the village to have a high acceptance of my research objectives and me.

In the COSUN case study, I was aware of the existence of community-driven microfinance activities having worked as a CARE International program microfinance consultant when they were setting up the initiative. Some of the leaders of the CPSCC remembered my earlier interactions with them and were keen to enable me to do my research. It was clear at that point that they saw me as a possible connection to much needed funding for the program which was floundering. I contacted this community with a dual identity of researcher with a desire to have access to one of their groups with whom I would conduct my research, and as a microfinance practitioner who would provide a loan in response to the voices of this community. I soon gathered that a number of researchers had preceded me and so my request was not alien. I was able to trace one of the researchers who confirmed having interacted with CPSCC. Unfortunately I was unable to access his research data as follow-up meetings did not materialise.

Also, I realised that there were subtle pecuniary benefits that came with these research initiatives and the women felt that they were being denied of these benefits. The COSUN women talk about this during the research conversations:

Text English translation

…uyu muntu aishilefye mukutila

asambilileko…mwana wesukulu (c.4.4).

Tulachita amaworkshop ayapusanapusana but ilingi abakuntanshi balatunyantilila…ndalama ziingongena chabe beve batidyera masuku pamutu…ifwe tuli ma tools (c.5.3)

This person came to learn- a research student (c.4.4).

We participate in a lot of workshops though our leaders are the ones who get the money- they use us as tools and take advantage of us (c.5.3).

The leaders had asked me to provide food for the women during the meetings as was their practice. When we had our first meeting with the women, they opted to have money and not food. This added to the basis for acceptance. I thus collected data towards the case

study from the first set of interviews with COSUN group. I then worked with the same group to design a loan product that they would access. With the Chinyika community, I am wholly an outsider researching their practices that led to attaining food security in a time of drought. In the research with COSUN, my position shifts from being an outright outsider to researching with the group in designing a loan. Though researching with the group allowed for closer relationships, I could not claim a strong position as an insider. In the continuum, my position had shifted somewhat towards the insider but not completely immersed (Jorgensen 1989). A particular action that provides evidence of this is when the COSUN women stopped coming for meetings without us collectively agreeing to rescind the initial research plan that purposed to continue meetings after the loan was provided.