A vast literature exists on the experiences of disabled students in HE, and it has continuously indicated constraints (Fuller et al., 2004; Chataika, 2010; Morley and Croft, 2011; Gavira and Morina, 2014; Tuomi et al., 2015). Among those often highlighted are learning and teaching constraints, the learning environment and peoples’ attitudes. The persistence of constraints imposed on disabled students suggests a need for a HE environment that would allow disabled students to adequately learn, fully participate and have a sense of belonging in HE. The vast literature from both the Global North and
South shows, however, that disabled students in HE are often seen as outsiders or stranger danger (Ahmed, 2012). This is because the curriculum, teaching, learning and assessment are often designed with an assumption of homogeneity (Riddell et al., 2005). Disabled students in HE are often thus faced with challenges.
Fuller et al., (2010) in their UK mixed-method study on the learning, teaching and assessment experiences of disabled students in HE, found that the 173 disabled students who participated in the research experienced teaching and learning as stressful and full of anxiety. This stress and anxiety was brought about by the teaching style that excluded disabled students, as it did not consider the specific individual needs of students. Fuller et al. (2010) identify the teaching styles referred to as talking too fast and removing transparencies before the disabled student had finished copying the notes. Likewise, in a study which focused on disabled students and looked at inclusive policies and practices in social science and law classrooms in HE institutions in Spain, Gavira and Morina observed that the policies and practices there were ‘hindering the learning and limiting membership and active participation on equal terms’ (2014: 367). This reveals that learning and teaching practices in some universities in Spain were not paying attention to students’ special needs, indicating that university systems, including those in Tanzania, can sometimes hinder student learning. Further more a study by Borland and James (1999) on the experiences of disabled students in a UK university found that admission into some programmes particularly science related programmes had some restrictions on the basis of their physical ability.
Morley and Croft (2011), in their work on the experiences of disabled students in Ghana and Tanzania, which derived its data from the WPHEGT project, also found that the teaching style of some teaching staff did not accommodate the specific needs of students. Likewise, in my study I found that there was exclusion of students with albinism in the teaching style of some teaching staff. The teaching staff in general were seen to have assumptions and beliefs that all students could see what was on their power point presentations. This was an indication like in universities in Spain disabled students in Tanzania including students with the condition were learning in a system which functioned without considering their unique characteristics. I would therefore say that students with albinism in Tanzania have been experiencing what the British scholar, Hinton-Smith (2012) found in her study on lone parents. Hinton-Smith’s (2012) research found that lone parents had experienced
unfriendly university arrangements. Similarly, I would say that universities, including those in Tanzania, have been places where student support is not guided by policies or practices but, rather, sometimes depends upon the sympathy of university staff (Fuller et al., 2010).
Non-conducive learning environments have been barriers for most disabled students in their participation in HE. Morley et al, (2010) talk about non-conducive learning environments at universities in their case study and raise the issue of overcrowded and inaccessible classrooms and buildings. Tuomi et al. (2015) raise the same issues at the university, which was their site of research. Such overcrowded classrooms and inaccessible buildings and classrooms can affect participation, particularly that of disabled students, as I note in my research where overcrowded classrooms were seen to negatively affect the fully participation of the 14 students with albinism as well as the good intended support services that were given to students with albinism.
Furthermore, Mkude (2011) in his paper which derives its data from the WPHEGT project, makes the same observation about overcrowded classrooms and inaccessible buildings. However, Mkude (2011), a renowned scholar in university management in Tanzania, argues that some Tanzanian universities would like to have supportive services for disabled students but cannot because of limited government subsidies. He thus blames the government for the lack of such services in universities. While I do agree with Mkude that lack of government financial support can affect the provision of supportive services, I note that some private universities also lack such services. For example, out of the 40 privately-owned universities in Tanzania, only one has such facilities. In terms of public universities, only two provide such service. I am therefore led to believe that HE institutions see disabled students as ‘not ideal HE students to deserve any investment’ (Morley, 2011c: 229).
Riddell et al. (2005) do not differ much from Mkude’s (2011) view. Riddell et al. (2005) feel that disabled students can sometimes pose financial challenges to universities as their access does not only require the improvement of infrastructure but also review of curriculum, teaching and learning as well as assessment systems. The arguments of both Mkude (2011) and Riddell et al. (2005) refer to the limited financial ability that was often availed to universities. This does not differ from the findings of Tuomi et al.
(2014), which reveal that most of the assistive devices available in some universities in Tanzania were not up to date, while others needed replacing. Disabled students thus not only lack adequate supportive learning and teaching devices but are also made to use dated equipment. In this research, some participants also raised the issue of out of date supportive gear.
Looking at constraints brought about by university buildings, Mumba (2009) in her study
Students with Disabilities in Zambia’s Higher Education System found that non-conducive
environment was one of the constraints that affected the retention and achievement of disabled students in Zambian HE and suggested the removal of such barriers by the provision of financial commitment. The financial commitment involved in providing students with albinism with adequate support was minimal. It basically involved provision of protective gears, the purchase of magnifiers and monoculars, provision of hand-outs and preparation of examination papers in large fonts as well as provision of software that can assist students with albinism with their reading. Although the provision of devices such as magnifiers and monoculars would incur a minimal cost given the number of students with albinism in HE in Tanzania, none of the 14 students with the condition considered in the present study were provided with such support. Magnifiers are devices that enlarge objects and monoculars are devices which allow people with vision impairment, like people with albinism, to see faraway things.
Morley et al. (2010) also found that support rendered to disabled students in HE was minimal. Here they found that teaching and learning materials for disabled students in some universities in Tanzania were inadequate. Tuomi et al. (2015) made similar observations but went further, revealing that their participants had experienced delays in completing their assignments because of slow-functioning or malfunctioning teaching and learning materials. Both Morley et al. (2010) and Tuomi et al. (2015) illustrate the exclusion of disabled students in HE and demonstrate the importance of adequate teaching and learning material for their successful participation. My findings about the impact of inadequate teaching and learning materials on educational participation do not differ much from those of Morley et al. (2010: 95) and Tuomi et al. (2015: 203) and add to the existing literature on disability in HE in a more specific way, that is, including albinism in HE as not much is known in this area.
Negative attitudes towards disability can also constrain the participation of students with albinism in HE, hindering widening participation strategies. Literature from both the Global North and South refer to attitudes towards disability as a structural constraint. This is because when we are different we have a tendency to be labelled as strange (Ahmed, 2000; 2004). People with albinism look different from the African norm. As explained in detail in the introduction and in subsequent chapters, people with albinism have been subjected to name-calling, labelling and discrimination. There have also been mythologies against them. Literature on disability in HE in SSA also indicates oppression and discrimination imposed on almost all people with various disabilities including students with albinism. For example, Chataika (2010), in her study on disabled students in Zimbabwean HE, talks about how cultural negative attitudes, beliefs and values towards disability impacted on their learning. This is an indication that all disabled people in SSA are often oppressed and stigmatised; however, I believe that the experience of people with albinism differs from that of other disabled people. This is because no other disabled group has received the extreme oppression imposed on those with albinism. People with albinism experience the most serious human rights violations, primarily focusing on the ritual killings and attacks (UN, 2013: 3).