While some BV advocators, the most moderate ones, suggest that a new set of values must be either transferred or encouraged in society in order to shift to a new development paradigm – particularly the ones that highlight the importance of the relationship of human society with nature (i.e., Acosta, 2013; Escobar, 2010; Esteva, 1992; Walsh, 2012) – others from a more radical point of view, claim that modern values that were coercively imposed during colonialisation in the LA region, must be replaced completely, as they legitimise class bias and racism (Dávalos, 2011; Huanacuni, 2010; Mignolo, 2014b; Pilataxi Lechón, 2014; Quijano, 2000). Although, it can be difficult to establish what modern values are (as there are many) and whether everybody in the so-called West are universally aligned with them, the BV literature suggests that the BV values stated below are different from the modern ones and distant themselves from individualism.
Community: Ayllu
Community or Ayllu is an essential aspect for indigenous people in the Andes, and the exercise of community cohesion is inherited by their ancestors (particularly the Incas).
On the one hand, community, in its more practical expression, is a social group determined by their kinship and is located in a common territory that has its own form of government. On the other hand, community, in its more spiritual dimension (cosmovisión), is constituted by human beings, the spirits of their ancestors and their deities (physically represented in nature) (Huanacuni, 2010). In fact, the head of the Ayllu, for the Aymaras, is denominated Mallku, a condor, and represents the top of the hierarchy (Albó, 2009). Community is strongly related with nature and therefore, emphasizes the importance of protecting the environment, which is why the rights of nature are demanded (Acosta et al. 2007).
Indigenous peoples distance themselves from Western perspectives in many ways (i.e., cosmovision, relationship with nature, beliefs and so on), but community is of utmost importance as it is conceived as one part of the whole system that is above the individual and is married to nature. For them, Western societies are disconnected from non-human domains as well as separate from community and the spiritual aspect (faith and reason). That is, that the BV advocators differ from the ontological conclusion of modernity in Western perspectives, where although an individual is protected by the
universal declaration of equality in the social contract, nature has been forgotten and has been, in the BV perspective, over exploited and abused (Albó, 2009; Aylwin, 2013;
Guandinango Vinueza, 2013; Huanacuni, 2010; Pilataxi Lechón, 2014; Simbaña, 2012).
Therefore, they claim to have reconnected with each other and with the non-human world, and in so doing, community prevails, as their ancestors and the upcoming generations are interconnected spiritually (Huanacuni, 2010, p. 146; Pilataxi Lechón, 2014, p. 58).
Although there are several ways to conceive and understand community: by their geographical place (Willmott, 1986), their common interest and communion (Crow and Allan, 1994; Lee and Newby, 1983; Willmott, 1989), as a symbol (Cohen, 1985, 1982), as a social network (Lee and Newby, 1983) or as a value (De Tocqueville, 1994; Frazer, 2000; Putnam, 2001), it is claimed that in the formulation of what community is and how it operates, the voices of indigenous people are needed, particularly in the way that community is constituted. For them, it needs to transcend an anthropocentric point of view, thus it is necessary to include natural rights as an essential part of societal construction.
Solidarity and Reciprocity: Yanapay and Ayni
Solidarity (Yanapay) and reciprocity (Ayni) are fundamental values of BV and have been rooted within communitarian and collective practices that are pivotal for the analysis of the BV. Ayni refers to the reciprocal and mutual practices performed by the Quechua and Aymara ancestors. Ayni as practiced, is ruled by the idea that everything in the world (human beings, the spirit of ancestors and deities are materialised in nature) is interconnected, and therefore rules the everyday life of the indigenous communities.
Ayni is naturally enforced as it is embedded in the Andean culture (Simbaña, 2012). The members of a community or Ayllu are mandated to participate in Ayni tasks when a member of a community is in need: tasks such as agricultural work, housing construction and economic emergency (Pilataxi Lechón, 2014).
Yanapay is claimed to be a spontaneous/natural behaviour, an embedded cultural value related to the Pachamama (Huanacuni, 2010). BV advocators suggest that both Yanapay and Ayni are cultural values that dictate every action in Quechua and Aymara societies, hence the spontaneous behaviour to protect every member of the community and the
natural environment (i.e., see the work of Guandinango Vinueza, 2013; Leon, 2010;
Pilataxi Lechón, 2014). For instance, their agricultural system is dictated by the weather conditions, and land exploitation is subject to time cycles. Generally speaking, Andean indigenous communities are self-sustained and produce on a small-scale, thus the land rests until it is ready for production. The members of the community are self-conscious of this and let the land rest as an act of solidarity (Yanapay) with nature (Huanacuni, 2010). Solidarity and reciprocity are seen to be dictated by biocentrism and anthropocentrism rather than encouraged structurally (i.e., policies, institutions or legal forms) (Acosta et al. 2007; Escobar, 2000; Gudynas, 2010; Gudynas, 2011a; Huanacuni, 2010). Table 2.3 illustrates some indigenous people’s practices that still exist in contemporary society that are guided by the principles of solidarity and reciprocity (Meléndez, 2005; Pilataxi Lechón, 2014; Santos, 2007; Huanacuni, 2010; Temple, 2003a;
2003b). These collective practices have often been ignored by the main development theories discussed earlier in Table 2.1 but are crucial to understand the phenomenon of the development of the SSE in Colombia, and in particular ICOs, as some of these socio-economic practices can be allocated within the sector.
Harmony and Complementarity: Turaq and Hunt'ay
Complementarity (Hunt’ay) is generally defined as a relationship or situation in which two or more different things improve or emphasise each other's qualities. Harmony (Turaq) is seen as a consistent, orderly, or pleasing arrangement of parts). Harmony or Turaq (as there is not a direct translation in Quechua) is understood as the action of maintaining the world in equilibrium and balance. Harmony relates directly to the interrelation between humans and their deities (materialised in nature). The Pachamama natural cycle dictates an indigenous communities’ calendar, which is built upon the equinoxes and solstices corresponding to the path of the sun (Huanacuni, 2010).
Indigenous communities try to examine behaviour of nature and then make decisions accordingly to determine the social order (Andean indigenous communities organise society in this way) (Guandinango Vinueza, 2013). The winter solstice9 is a key date, as it marks the beginning of the new cycle of life. The winter solstice is considered as rebirth by indigenous peoples, as is the time of the year when nature renews itself (Pilataxi
9 In the southern hemisphere this occurs in June, between the 20th and 24th.
Lechón, 2014). Within the indigenous peoples’ literature, the over exploitation and contamination of the Pachamama constrains a harmonious relationship between community and nature (i.,e., Huanacuni, 2010; Leon, 2010; Pilataxi Lechón, 2014;
Simbaña, 2012).
Table 2.3. Latin American Practices Based on Solidarity and Reciprocity
PRACTICES TEQUIO YUNKI GUELAGUETZA MINGA AYNI MUTIRÃO MALOKA
REGION Mexico LA Region Mexico The Andes
PEOPLES Zapotec Culture Quechuas, Aymaras, Mayas,
Source: Compiled by the author
10 Genetically modified (GM) food/seed is a real issue in countries such as Mexico, Colombia, Chile and Peru. Indigenous peoples cannot grow and trade any food that are not
Complementarity is the one value that equalises and brings equilibrium to this equation to achieve Turaq. Thus, for indigenous peoples, complementarity is the acknowledgement of the pluriversal relation amongst human beings and nature; that is, each element within the community is different but complement one another. There is no power play in such a relationship but there is a horizontal non-hierarchical and inter-relational (natural and spontaneous) connection between each entity in the community (Albó, 2009; Huanacuni, 2010). For indigenous communities, all members of the community play a role in the social cohesion, and they are all active contributors for the status quo of society (including nature as an active member of this community). Hence, none would be able to exist without the existence of the other (Pilataxi Lechón, 2014).
For instance, in the Ayni practice, for any societal transaction of either Yunki or seed swapping, there must be different societal actors that are considered experts to achieve these objectives. If there is a seed for quinoa that grows effectively and better in x location for the local conditions (height, weather, soil) and is produced by the x community, it might be possible to exchange the seed with another community that produces another type of seed (coca, maize, araucaria). Using the same rationale but with a more conventional transaction, the dual interrelation between the producer and the merchant is expertise, and they naturally complement and need each other to achieve the transaction (Albó, 2009).