CHAPTER THREE:
CULTURAL CONTEXTS: FESTIVALS AND SETTINGS
As briefly discussed in the last chapter, the social context in which shared meaning is circulated is a fundamental point of departure for the study of culture, especially if one is concerned with how cultural elements and understandings are circulated, learned, enacted, and embodied. For this research, the cultural “work” of music and narrative as it relates to identity and emotion, and how people use them together and separately as cultural resources and processes, only makes sense when situated within a specific cultural context. In what follows, I first briefly review literature regarding music festivals and folk music festivals, particularly as they relate to key issues within the folk musical community: collective and personal identity, emotion, performance, authenticity, social change, and their various interrelationships. Throughout, I also borrow from those who attend to some of these issues, although not necessarily in relation to festivals.
I then build on these themes and literatures in turning to the few and most germane studies of “folk musicians’ festivals,” which are significantly different from “folk music
festivals,” though key themes of identity, emotion, performance, authenticity, and social change remain salient. At “folk musicians’ festivals,” musician attendees, as opposed to professionals who are hired to perform, produce the vast majority of music heard, which means that the character of musical interaction, as well as the character of the musical community, is quite distinct from that of folk music festivals. The rest of this chapter is dedicated to a description of
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the two folk musicians’ festivals that served as ethnographic settings for this research: The Walnut Valley Festival and The Kerrville Folk Festival.
Music Festivals
It is worth noting that “folk festival culture” is far easier to conceptualize than “folk music” writ large. For example, it could easily be defined as a “music scene,” or “the contexts in which clusters of producers, musicians, and fans collectively share their common musical tastes and collectively distinguish themselves from others” (Peterson and Bennett 2004:1). Or, for Ronström et al. (2001), we should not think of music as simply “sound” or “text,” but instead as a “situated performance,” which includes all the behaviors in and around music production and the places in which this occurs. To study music and the activities, people, and meaning in and around it is to study “music events,” or the places in which these situated performances take place.
For Ronström et al. (2001:50), one of the most important music events is the music festival. So much so, they continue, that the many changes in the ways that we use and
understand music has more to do with changes in such “music events” than in the music itself. It appears that the importance of “festivals” in general has not been lost on many scholars across the disciplinary board, as evidenced by Tsai and Whittall’s (2012) comprehensive bibliography that showcases 93 scholarly publications concerning festival, 19 of which fall under the heading of “North American Folk Revival/Contemporary Roots Festivals.” However, as of 2013,
O’Grady noted that there has been scant research or theorizing on music festivals, and what little has been done is often situated within tourism studies (Bendix 1989; Matheson 2008) and event management (Abfalter, Stadler, and Muller 2012). I find such a claim to be consistent with the
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character of the aforementioned 93 publications, many of which are quite dated (e.g., mostly 1970s—1990s).
In addition to these publications, and for my purposes, the few who attend to festivals that represent a radical and drug induced utopian counterculture comprised of “Rainbow People” or “anarchists,” such as “The Rainbow Gathering” or “Burning Man” (Gilmore and Van Proyen 2005; Doherty 2006; McKinzie and Bradley 2013) are rather a far cry from the cultural context of the festivals that are of principle interest here. Others share similar, though less drastic, issues, many of which revolve around the problematic of cultural comparisons between festivals in the US with, for example, those in Estonia (Kuutma and Kästik 2014) and Sweden (Ronström et al. 2001), or between different types of shared meaning around different types of music, such as Celtic music (Matheson 2008) and “popular music” (O’Grady 2013). This is compounded by the problem of comparisons made between different types of music festivals that serve different types of purposes, such as community festivals focused on multiculturalism (Duffy 2005) or those with explicit political agendas (Sharpe 2008).
While there is useful writing on the extensive history of folk music festivals (Cohen 2008), strictly speaking, it would seem that we need more contemporary work on music festivals in general and folk music festivals in particular. This is certainly the case if we take several claims seriously. First, the study of “music events” is essential to the ways in which we understand the relationships between music and people, and all of the complexities those
relationships entail (Ronström et al. 2001). Second, the number of folk music festivals in the US
(450 as of 2006) has increased exponentially over the last 15 years (Gruning 2006), which means that there are actually more today than there were during the great “boom” of the revival (Scully 2008). Third, as Scully (2008:19) argues, the study of folk musical communities “reveals a great
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deal about Americans’ eternal fascination with their past, their continuing desire for a sense of community, and their fierce – if not sometimes hidden – resistance to cultural standardization.”
Indeed, there are consistent and meaningful threads that run throughout folk music for those who share that “community” and collective identity, and they represent an opportunity to explore an “America” that “continues to struggle against perceived loss in the face of social upheaval” (Scully 2008:17). Such themes largely revolve around notions of “authenticity,” particularly the interrelationships among how authenticity is “felt” via music and “emotional truth,” how it is set in direct contrast to mass consumption and commercialization, how it
pertains to activism, protest, and social change, and how it, at times, relates to the past, or at least set in opposition to the contemporary state of things. Whatever one chooses to term the nebulous collectivity that is “folk music,” it is clear that “festivals” have been and continue to be essential to its history (Tachi 2004), social movements (Sharpe 2008), “continuity” (Lena and Peterson 2008), “community” (Shelemay 2011), and “cultural heritage” (Kuutma and Kästik 2014), principally because they represent a primary forum for the production and circulation of its cultural understandings (Ronström et al. 2001). Thus, festivals are perhaps the ideal venue for the study of the relevant themes and shared understandings that comprise “folk music,” as well as the cultural “work” it accomplishes.
Despite some of the problems with “music festival” and “folk music festival” research, such work is not without important contributions that resonate with my principle concerns, particularly when synthesized with work outside of purely “festival” literature. Given that music and emotion, together and separately, share important relationships with collective and personal identity, it is not surprising that music festivals shape (and are shaped by) such identities. Turino (2008:187), for example, suggests that festivals can be understood as “expressive cultural
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practices” that represent a “primary way that people articulate the collective identities that are fundamental to forming and sustaining social groups, which are, in turn, basic to survival.” For Frith ([1996] 2011), it is through such cultural practices that groups come to understand themselves as groups, thereby constructing a collective identity that is necessary to understanding music and performance.
Additionally, others argue that festivals provide a platform for the experience and expression of cultural identity. Matheson (2008) suggests that the extent to which performances are emotional to audiences at Celtic music festivals has much to do with their ability to resonate with “authentic,” and at times, essentialist, cultural identities. Similarly, Kuutma and Kästik (2014:281) argue that folk music festivals in Estonia provide opportunities for “demonstrating and experiencing intangible heritage and presenting manifestations of symbolic Estonian cultural identity.” In the same article, they also note that “the projection of self through artistic
expression occurs through performance” (p. 278); thus, while festival performances lend insight into collective and cultural identities, it also informs (and is informed by) personal identities.
In her study that examines the construction of identity at multicultural music festivals, Duffy (2005) argues that, because music orders reality, “place,” and taps into our “emotional and intuitive selves,” musical performances give rise to meaning and identities. In addition to
generating feelings of “belonging” and “oneness,” performances at festivals provide an arena to assign meaning to the self, which has much to do with the emotion engendered through
subjectively positioning oneself in the music. In an innovative theoretical turn that borrows from the work of Kristeva, Duffy (2005:678) writes,
In the music festival, the performance of and engagement with music enables participants to be a part of an active articulation of the self and its identity, one that expresses the multiple and overlapping positions of the subject because of the plurality of meaning that arises as the performance occurs.
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In other words, and as previously mentioned, music provides the self with imaginative and emotional possibilities by offering a variety of subject positions, or a “plurality of meaning,” in which to place, and thus make sense of, oneself. As Duffy (2005) argues, when individuals and groups interact with music and its interpretive character at festivals, meaning and emotion is assigned to the self and to others.
“Events such as musical performance,” writes Morton (2005:670), “can make us feel alive, feel part of a community for a duration of time.” These experiences afforded by music have much to do with its emotional character. For Morton (2005:671), musical performances and practices represent “highly emotional” ways of knowing “that are impossible to express in words [and] can make bodies ache with expression.” Indeed, much of what goes on at festivals, or much of what festivals accomplish in terms of identities, community, and meaning-making has most everything to do with emotion. Said differently, to speak of “authenticity” or “social change” at festivals is also to speak of emotion.
In an interesting parallel to this research, Matheson (2008) explores the relationships between authenticity and consumption at Celtic music festivals, arguing that terms such a “commodification,” “authenticity,” and even “Celtic,” are not monolithic categories, but instead complex processes. Much like folk music festivals and folk music in general, the questions arises as to how a deeply rooted form of centuries-old, traditional music could be interpreted by
audiences as “authentic” when it is inevitably and necessarily embedded within a context defined by commodification and consumption. For Matheson (2008), the answer is quite simple:
audiences define music and performances as “authentic” based on their emotional responses to the music, their embodied reactions to the music, and how these experiences resonate with their personal and cultural identities. Authenticity, in this case, is defined by emotion, and as long as
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performances continue to resonate emotionally with audiences, they simply do not care that the festival is a commercial venture. A similar argument was made by Long and Barber (2015), who argued that songwriters and audiences alike know that music is an economic endeavor, it is bought, packaged, and sold, but it remains “authentic” as long as it remains “emotional.”
In her study of popular music festivals in the UK, O’Grady (2013:140) notes a similar contradiction, particularly how festivals that sit “within a context of unbridled consumerism and consumption” can continue to offer extraordinary experiences for attendees. While indeed paradoxical, festivals can be understood as “relational performances,” or experiences that are co- created and brought into existence by audiences, providing opportunities to experience liminality and collective effervescence, both of which pertain to emotion and embodiment. For O’Grady, relational performance physically engages audiences, and through liminal experiences, “the festival body is somewhat unharnessed from convention and primed for embodied experiences that lift them above quotidian existence.” Others have noted that festivals provide emotional and liminal experiences that are far removed from daily life (Turner 1969, 1982; Gardner 2004a; Sharpe 2008; Holyfield, Cobb, Murray, and McKinzie 2013; Cobb 2014), and much like notions of “authenticity,” these heightened emotional experiences are largely responsible for the negation of paradox and contradiction.
As O’Grady notes (2013:140), these extraordinary experiences afforded by festivals also serve as “an expression of resistance” against “hegemonic discourses,” where performances at festivals “operate as a covert space for the politics of possibility.” Despite being lighthearted, liminal, and cheerful, Sharpe (2008:219) similarly notes that music festivals have been and continue to be associated with social protest and resistance. “Folk festivals,” she continues, “played a central role in the socialist and counterculture movements,” as they provided an
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important “cultural event for a generation of youth to demonstrate their rebellion against the dominant ‘parent’ culture.’” In her examination of a music festival with political aims, Sharpe (2008:217) argues that all leisure events are inherently political and ideological events, offering a type of pleasure-politics that have the ability to overturn “dominant patterns of power in ways that contribute to human emancipation and social justice.”
For Sharpe (2008:218), festivals provide a cultural medium in which participants engage in civic and political life, where they are provided a space in which to challenge their social positions and “resist and re-write the dominant cultural narratives that shape their lives.” While there are questions posited about the ability of festivals to promote social change due to their hyper-commercialized character, Sharpe (2008) suggests this does not negate their political potential, particularly when there is intentional effort on the part of organizers and attendees. Similarly, in their study of folk music festivals in Sweden, Ronström et al. (2001:50) argue that “folk musical traditions” are in and of themselves “reproducible commodified objects,” but this does not hinder their capacity to evoke change and/or serve as control mechanisms. In addition to controlling cultural resources, such as the “aesthetics, ethics, values, symbols, representations, etc. of presented musics,” festivals “reflect ideas, but also produce, distribute and dramatise ideas….As instruments of social and cultural change, festivals transmit and transfer knowledge, technology, [and] mediate between individuals, groups, and cultures” (p. 62).
In sum, while not without some theoretical and empirical contrasts, literature on music and folk music festivals sheds light on a variety of key themes that are of interest to this research and that run throughout the folk musical community, most notably the interrelationships among personal and collective identity, emotion, performance, authenticity and social change. I have argued that studying folk music festivals is a productive, if not ideal, approach to the study of the
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systems of shared meaning that run throughout the folk musical community, and what that shared meaning is capable of accomplishing. Next, I turn to how this is perhaps even more the case when moving from folk music festivals to folk musicians’ festivals, where the lines between audience and performers become blurred and the character of musical interaction takes a
different shape.
Folk Musicians’ Festivals
With few exceptions, “musicians’ festivals” have been largely ignored by scholars from all disciplines. While they do at times receive a brief mentioning (Scully 2005, 2008; Stimeling 2007), there is very little research that approaches such festivals themselves as topics for inquiry. The few that have studied folk musicians’ festivals, however, offer interesting insights and contributions, most often in relation to notions of “folk music” writ large, community, and authenticity.
In “the first scholarly study of the Kerrville Folk Festival,” Barefield (2011:25) draws upon oral histories and a variety of sources, such as newspaper articles, festival programs, and financial documents, in an examination of the festival’s “long-term historical significance.” Indeed, Barefield (2011) offers an impressive and extensive history of the festival that begins with its origins in 1971, continues through 2006, and offers future projections that extend into 2010. The article largely revolves around the now late Rod Kennedy (whose biography is also included), as he was the founder and organizer of the festival and thus played a central role in all aspects of its creation and duration. Throughout this comprehensive history, Barefield (2011) traces the ways in which the festival came to be what it is today, including the key players involved, the hired performers, sponsorship and funding, and other pragmatic concerns
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surrounding the festival’s general operation, such as the responsibilities of volunteers, and how the festival has managed to survive abysmal weather conditions.
Barefield’s (2011) research is helpful to the extent that it thoroughly outlines the festival’s unique biography and provides an interesting historical backdrop to this research. However, it also exists rather far outside the boundaries of my principle interests, which are clearly more sociological than they are historical. That being said, in the beginning of her article, she does dedicate a few short paragraphs to some main “themes” that are of relevance here. For example, she notes that there is “a genuine and abiding sense of ‘community’ among those who regularly attend the Kerrville Folk Festival,” although she attributes this to “Rod Kennedy’s commitment to provide an ‘organic’ environment” (Barefield 2011:25), as opposed to the attendees who are actively creating that environment. She does, however, mention that there is a sense of “camaraderie” among musicians in the campground, many of whom attend the festival to play with others as opposed to attending mainstage performances. Those who do attend mainstage performances, she suggests, are quite different from the casual music listener in “nightclubs” in that they genuinely and actively listen to the music performed.
Lastly, drawing on the work of ethnomusicologist Manual Pena, Barefield (2011:26) makes an interesting distinction between “organic” and “super-organic” music, whereas the former is defined as
music which is part of a culturally meaningful experience shared by a community without regard for the music’s commercial potential or mass appeal. Organic music is intended to be part of a communal cultural exchange between artists and their audience. By contrast, “super-organic” music is created for commercial purposes with the primary goal of generating as much revenue as possible for the artists, producers, venues, and record companies.
Following this, she goes on to say that the festival is an exceptional example of how the lines between “organic” and “super-organic” become blurred, as there is a great deal of “communal
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cultural exchange” among audiences and performers, but clearly the festival is organized in ways to generate profit. Although Barefield (2011), like many others, points out this common paradox at the festival, she does little to examine it or to describe how participants grapple with it.
I argue that the type of “organic” music heard at Kerrville is not heard on mainstages by (hired) professional musicians but instead in the campgrounds where musicians and songwriters are playing music together, some for up to a month at a time. I go on to argue that this type of extended musical interaction and the relationships it forges is what generates and maintains the ongoing sense of community at the festival. While she does briefly mention that many enjoy playing music in the campground, it seems quite clear that Barefield (2011) is more interested in the history of the festival and the mechanics behind its production than she is in the people who are making music and meaning therein.
It would appear that Barefield (2011) is not technically the “first” to publish on the