Los Dictámenes de extracción no perjudicial de la CITES

Kalms (2008) contends that households are complex “information systems” that process and manage vast amounts of information artefacts daily; he lists some 170 different subtypes of

information, many of which are created by householders themselves. Hektor (2001), who also studied households, identified a scant few instances of creating being performed by his participants. Writing notes, crafting poems, recording logs, jotting plans, stringing queries, and keeping websites are some, which vary in their degrees of creativity and permanence. He suggests that most everyday life information is created with an action orientation and an aim to enlighten or release.

To the end of action-oriented information, McKenzie and Davies (2010, 2012) and McKenzie, Davies, and Williams (2014) studied “the messy world” (2012, p. 442) of everyday life and domestic information creating, and found that people make and manage artefacts like wedding

planners, day calendars, lists, and notes in order to keep track, coordinate, and remember. They identified five domestic information genres, being: check-ins and status reports; lists; reminders; calendars; and less-common requests, inventories, logs, and idiosyncratic proxies (for example, empty boxes as purchase reminders) (McKenzie & Davies, 2012). They found commercial

information-management tools impose order that does not otherwise exist and that, like Shankar’s (2004, 2007, 2009) scientists, repeatedly recording in such tools socializes novice individuals into community-sanctioned ways of creating information and practising their activity (McKenzie & Davies, 2010; cf. Leshed & Sengers, 2011; McKenzie, Davis, & Williams, 2014).

Harlan (2012, 2014; Harlan, Bruce, & Lupton 2011, 2014) conducted grounded theory research with 11 teens who create blog posts, online videos, and digital art in their everyday lives—a similar sample to that of this study. These teens’ information practices revolved around “learning community,” or grasping how the communities in which they participate work, practically and socially, and how they might, in turn, work within them. They did so through the activities of negotiating aesthetic, negotiating control, negotiating capacity, and representing knowledge (Harlan, 2012; Harlan, Bruce, & Lupton, 2014). Harlan (2014) makes clear that the information used to fashion a role as a creator and provider comes from multiple epistemic and social sources, and that artefacts and interactions are simultaneously engaged en route to becoming a creator, suggesting how practices are identity-making—also a theme in much work-, school-, and leisure-related research.

2.3.3.7 (Serious) Leisure information creating.

Hartel (2014) has studied liberal arts hobbyists, who are, by all accounts, “prolific producers of information (e.g., blogs, articles, books, memos)” (p. 946), congregating online in communities and on hubs like Wikipedia where they may express and promote their knowledge. Cox and Blake (2011) have studied amateur food bloggers, a group that, like liberal arts hobbyists, regularly publicizes their work online. Food blogs are practical resources and organized archives; however,

Cox and Blake (2011) argue that they are also, more profoundly, actualizations of a desired identity. Every reading, comment, and share from a fellow enthusiast validates a blogger within a community. Interestingly, some carry on creating beyond their own blogs, sharing ‘meta-information’ in online forums about topics like search-engine optimization (Cox & Blake, 2011). Many photographers are also bloggers (Cox, 2012b), and some also meta-create by uploading homemade manuals or

workflows to online forums (Spurgin, 2011). Liberal arts hobbies and blogging are two examples of leisure in which information creating can be readily observed. The same holds for amateur

genealogy, for which individuals create family trees, charts, posters, inventories, scrapbooks, surveys, transcriptions, websites, monographs, and scraps as they endeavour to “fill in the blanks” (Fulton, 2009b, p. 254) and create meaningful narratives (Fulton, 2016; Yakel, 2004). These amateurs also meta-create, assisting each other’s genealogical projects (Fulton, 2009a; Yakel, 2004).

Often, though, leisure pursuits are neither as information-centric nor as creation-intensive, or, at least, some practitioners are not as cognisant of the creating they do perform (Fulton, 2016). For example, knitters studied by Prigoda and McKenzie (2007) dealt overwhelmingly in discursive information, with little evidence of information creating as commonly defined in the ILS field. Even so, information technology and sharing prove a major part of how the same activity is constructed and performed by those studied by Orton-Johnson (2014), who “photograph and blog about projects and yarns, chat and plan face-to-face knit festivals via forums, search for podcasts to learn new skills, follow ‘celebrity’ knit bloggers, and sell and exchange patterns and yarn via knitting networking sites” (pp. 305-306). On the site Ravelry alone, they may create and contribute to six dynamic artefacts; evidencing leisure thusly “codifies and tells stories about […] creative processes” (Orton-Johnson, 2014, p. 306) and builds their self-identities. The same could be true for quilters who run websites to showcase work, help others in the activity, and generate income (Gainor, 2009).

Information creating is peripheral—or framed more peripherally by ILS researchers—in other activities. Some gourmet hobby cooks create shopping lists, menus, timelines, and workflows pre-meal (Hartel, 2010c) and annotate recipes and write in journals post-meal (2006), keeping these “memorializations” in private collections (2007, 2010b). Some backpackers create and update itineraries, and write about their experiences online (Chang, 2009). Some rubber duck collectors compile “reference book” anthologies and “encyclopaedia” binders of online forum posts (Lee & Trace, 2009, p. 631), typologize duck shapes, and maintain a database of holdings. Some motor sport enthusiasts create racing newsletters to circulate to friends (Johnson, 2016). Some pop-culture fans create catalogues and how-to guides (Jenkins, 2006; Spurgin, 2011). In all of these scenarios, information creating is positioned as an offshoot of, rather than central to, the core leisure activity of interest.