Madrid, 11 de abril de 2012.
DIFERENCIACIÓN DE TÍTULOS DENTRO DE LA MISMA UNIVERSIDAD
The way in which customs and traditions have evolved in society differs around the globe, yet some practices are deemed to be almost universal. Although the accompanying rituals and significance attached to it may differ, marriage can be argued to be one such universal social practice. Despite efforts, anthropologists have struggled with a catch-all definition of marriage (Bell, 1997), owing to the myriad differing rights, privileges, structures and values accorded to this institution around the globe. Until the latter part of the 20th century, discussion of marriage referred
almost exclusively to legal unions between members of the opposite sex. In the context of China, this remains the only legal possibility, although proposals have been made several times to the National Committee of the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference for legitimacy to be granted to same-sex relationships (Xinhua, 2006).
If one therefore assumes universality of experience among the reading audience, then it must be presumed that the cultural setting of contemporary China dictates that even queer readers will have exposure to conventional social practices and institutions such as courtship and marriage. Many of the micronovels establish world settings whereby monogamous long-term relationships between opposite genders are the conventional norm. Turning to A005 (see p.297) as an example, this concept is established by the presumption made by the female character that the man is holding the flowers as a way of attracting her attention (rather than that of her unnamed male partner). The readers of this story are expected to understand why the woman believes the man is attracted to her, and to understand or at least acknowledge the heteronormative setting. The woman admonishes the man for his attention (你为什么还要缠着我？ why are you still pestering me?) when he knows that she already has a boyfriend. In contrast to micronovel A004 (see p.296), here the potential suitor bears only flowers as an incentive to entice the other man (…手捧鲜 花的男孩… …the boy holding flowers…); there is no mention of increased material
151 wealth or social positioning, yet again this can be seen as a gendered activity, as the presenting of flowers as a courtship ritual is traditionally and culturally undertaken by a man to a female recipient (Camerer, 1988). By extending this ritual to a courtship arrangement between two men, this could either imply an attempt to gender the individuals concerned into a dichotomous arrangement (the presenter of the flowers being seen as the masculine element, and the recipient occupying a feminine role, consistent with the notions of seme and uke122, discussed further in
4.5.1). Alternatively, this could be seen merely as the adoption of standard courtship rituals by queer identified individuals, as a way of normalizing their relationships and establishing the value of their union through a recognized form of cultural sign- marking.
Heterosexual marriage is mentioned in 35% of the sample texts. It constitutes, therefore, a clear example of a form of prototypical simulation against which the plots of the stories are negotiated. Such practices are considered to be universal among the production/consumption circuit, as speaker and audience are presumed to share the same social group or collective. For example, even if one assumes that the readers of the story identify with the central character in A008 (see p.298) in terms of sexual attraction or identity, it must still be presumed that such readers are familiar with conventional social practices and customary behaviour, such as the belief expressed by many members of China’s queer population that they must marry a member of the opposite sex and procreate in order to satisfy a burden of social duty towards their parents. Readers who have been raised in the world in which this text situates itself will be (irrespective of their own sexual identity) familiar with this situation.
Closely tied with the notion of continuing the family bloodline, marriage is an integral part of the Confucian value of xiao (孝, filial piety123). Thus, under this
122Colloquial terms used in Japanese manga for ‘top’ and ‘bottom’ in anal intercourse. 123 See Glossary.
152 framework, marriage is much more than an individualized rite of passage within one’s life course, but it is also a social marker of one’s place in society. Among the many practices governed by filial piety, producing an heir—particularly a male heir—is considered to be the principle responsibility of the son in the family (Zhao, 2011, p.24). Therefore, to refuse to do so (or to be incapable of), is considered an act of disrespect towards one’s parents. Under this traditional framework, it is thus considered a social duty to procreate. Sexual orientation does not appear to exempt a person from this requirement, and the regulation of sexual behaviour is closely tied to the notion of heterosexual sex for the purpose of procreation:
Any culture with collectivist social pressures and concerns for social hierarchy will tend to suppress sexual behavior. Like aggression, sexual attraction must be carefully suppressed and channeled. For a freer sexuality may create potent jealousies within groups and lead people to defy their parents' choice of a suitable mate.
(Bond, 1991, p.16) Practice of this concept is clearly demonstrated in selected examples from the micronovel collection. Example A017 (see p.303) demonstrates a mother’s dismay at her son’s transgression of heteronormatively prescribed behaviour, and example A037 (see p.312) which, although far more jocular in tone than A017, highlights the fact that those who defy social convention are subject to scrutiny and rumour by society at large, which in many cases becomes an issue of ‘face’124 for the person’s
parents.
The idea of same-sex attracted individuals entering into marriages with members of the opposite sex through feelings of social compulsion is by no means
124 The concept of face refers to “the public self-image that every member wants to claim for himself”
(Brown & Levinson, 1987, p.61). However, in the Chinese context, the application of this definition has been contested, as “such a self-oriented characterization of face [...] can be problematic in a non-Western context” (Mao, 1994, p.455). In Chinese, the idea of face is denoted by two terms, mianzi (面子) and lian (脸).
153 unique to China, nor unique to this point in Chinese history; however, it seems that a cumulative effect of traditionally held regional values, the legacy of Confucianism, and a socio-political sphere ill-disposed to individual freedom of expression have resulted in a view of marriage as a social obligation (marriage as a social obligation is mirrored throughout other South and Southeast Asian cultures in the Muslim, Sikh and Hindu conceptualizations of ‘Izzat’, see Yip, 2004; Jaspal, 2012). The micronovels under review here divide themselves between three distinct types of heterosexual matrimonial scenario: a same-sex relationship ended through obligation of one of the parties to marry a woman; tales of unrequited love dashed through the heterosexual marriage of the object of the same-sex attracted person’s affections; and discussions between parents and their offspring about obligations to marry. Example A002 (see p.295) displays a prototypical simulation of a world where men marry women as the element that drives the narrative in this story. Although it is established that the affection between the two characters is both mutual and long- standing, neither character expresses outward remorse or presents a challenge to the eventual turn of events. In fact, both are complicit. This can be seen as confirmation of the supremacy of cultural and societal norms over personal happiness, echoing the utilitarian ethical position that “it is the greatest happiness of the greatest number that is the measure of right and wrong” (Bentham, 1776, p.ii).
An important consideration when analysing the way in which marriage is formulated within these stories is the relationship between animator, consumer and story subject. Previous research onto the phenomenon of both BL and danmei literature has established that the primary consumer group for these genres of literature is heterosexual females (Fei, 2009; Yang, 2006; Zheng & Wu, 2009). This, therefore, constitutes a similar consumer demographic to fans of ‘slash fiction’ (Jenkins et al., 2006; Salmon & Symons, 2004) and BL fiction (Wood, 2006; Akatsuka, 2008; Pagliassotti, 2009) in other regions of the globe. From this perspective, I believe it is important to consider how authorship may have an impact
154 on the manifestation of cultural practice within the figured world of the micronovel. In the case of micronovel A005 (see p.297), the animator self-identifies on the Weibo forum as female. As has been established in Chapter 1, it is impossible to know whether the animator of the story is actually the author of the story, or whether the gender marker that the animator has chosen to display on Weibo is a reflection of their physical gender. However, if one presumes that the person who created this particular story is a heterosexual female, then one must ask oneself whether the author is writing from a position of knowledge about typical courtship practice among same-sex attracted males, or whether it is possible that elements of normalized heterosexual courtship practice are being (fancifully, and therefore artificially) projected onto the men in the story. Evidence of acknowledgment of female readership is even apparent within the plot of some of the micronovels under review in this project; demonstrating a cyclical relationship between production, consumption and representation, animators of some stories refer to the fact that women are the primary consumers of queer-themed microfiction as part of the exposition or dénouement of the micronovel. In micronovel A006 (see p.297), the bride claims to understand the unfolding situation because she is familiar with microfiction. Micronovel A022 (see p.305), although not mentioning BL or danmei literature directly, describes a scenario where the man’s living arrangements are met with excitement by the women with whom he speaks, with the implication being that they suspect his relationship with his friend to be more than just homosocial flat- sharing arrangement. This idea is echoed in micronovel A027 (see p.308), which also conflates the common social practice of young male cohabitation with suspicion of physical intimacy. Therefore, although the subject of these micronovels is love and intimacy between male characters, the stories are arguably primarily written for, and consumed by, women. This factor must be duly taken into account when examining the figured world of the stories, as even if one claims the institution of marriage to be ubiquitous, male and female experience of it will be markedly different. When male characters are being constructed through a female experience of marriage, this
155 will have a bearing on the way in which marriage is formulated, figured and represented.