• No se han encontrado resultados

5. Marco teórico

5.2. Discapacidad, Diversidad e Intercultural dad

Islam was brought to Malaysia in the thirteenth century by Indian traders even though earlier traces of Islam existed from 674 (see Fatimi, 1 963). The Malay Archipelago (i.e., Malaysia, then called the Malay states, and Sumatra, an

Indonesian island neighbouring Malaysia) became the trans-shipment centre for the spice trade between Europe, China, and India. These Indian traders did not only do

26

business in Melaka (the trading port in Malaysia) but also worked as missionaries to spread Islam (see Andaya and Andaya, 1982).

The ruler of Melaka, named Parameswara, was the first ruler to embrace Islam in the early thirteenth century. His citizens were Malays as there were no Chinese or Indians (i.e., the other major ethic groups now living in Malaysia), and they became converts as well.27 As the trade expanded, Melaka Sultanate persuaded or

compelled its vassals (the primary mode of business at that time) in the straits area to accept Islam. Its development as a leading commercial and religious centre made it the benchmark by which other Muslim kingdoms in the Malay Archipelago were measured (see Andaya and Andaya, 1 982). Islam was pronounced as the official religion in Malaysia in 1 204 and Islamic values have become part of the Malay tradition.28

3.2 . 1 VOLUNTARY ISLAMIC MOVEMENTS

Even though Islam has been pronounced as the official religion since 1204, the political significance of Islam was generally limited until 1 982. Economic,

political, and industrial developments were in the hands of the federal government which favoured a secular style of administration (that was handed down from the British after the independence) while the religious matters were handled at the state leve1.29 Issues in Islam (excluding issues pertaining to national security) varied from state to state and were not co-ordinated at the national level (see Mehmet, 1 990). Islamic values were not closely followed in business and political circles.

27 Large scale Chinese immigration to Malaya took place in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries while Indian immigration took place in the late nineteenth century even though there were Chinese and Indian traders who had set foot in Malaya before then (see Andaya et aI. , 1 982, p. 1 76). 28 Even today Muslims are synonymously termed as Malays. For example, the occasion when a person embraces Islam is colloquially expressed as becoming Malay.

Until 1 982, Islam had been developing through voluntary movements. Such movements include Jemaat Tabligh, Daml Arqam, the Islamic Welfare and Missionary Association (PERKIM), and the Malaysian Islamic Youth Movement (ABIM). Jemaat Tabligh came from India in 1 950 and is part of a world-wide missionary network. It aims at increasing the piousness among the individual Muslims and making them true believers who adhere to the teachings of lslam. It conducts discussions and holds retreats (usually in a mosque) emphasising the ritualistic and formal aspects of lslam (see Mehdan, 1 986, p. 90-92). All expenses are borne by the followers, and Jemaat Tabligh does not seek any fmancial

assistance from any governmental or business organisations. Jemaat Tabligh is still active in all parts of the world where there are Muslims.

Daml Arqam was an organisation that conducted small businesses and used the return to manage the social and religious activities of its members. It expected its followers to isolate themselves from the secular world and ran all the necessary day-to-day activities (including schools, medical clinics, and prayer centres) in rural locations. This movement had branches in Singapore, Brunei, Thailand, and

Indonesia. This movement had been declared illegal in all these countries since 1 994 because some of its practices and rituals were not consistent with normal Islamic teachings (see Abdullah, 1 999).

PERKIM began as a non-governmental organisation that provided schools and adult learning centres along Islamic paradigms. Its main objective has been to teach the practices of lslam to new converts. It is still active and is currently partly funded by the Malaysian government.

ABIM, being the largest and the most active group, was formed in 1 972. ABI M is mostly popular among tertiary students as its founder formed the group when he was still a student. This group had the objective of turning Malaysia into a full-

fledge Islamic state (like Iran) but toned its goals down when the group' s founder joined the ruling political party in 1 982. ABIM has been and is currently a catalyst

for linking Islamic activities in Malaysia to World Assembly of Muslim Youth (W AMY) and other international Islamic organisations.

3 .2.2 THE RESURGENCE OF ISLAM IN MALA YSIAN POLITICS

Two major events that contributed to the resurgence of lslam in Malaysia at the national political level were the 1969 race riot and the Islamic revolution in Iran (see Mehmet, 1 990, p. 1 09).

Prior to the 1 969 race riot, commercial activities in Malaysia were associated with ethnicity. A vast majority of Malaysians are Malays (who are predominantly Muslims) and they were found to be involved in agriculture. The Indians

(consisting of about 1 0 percent of the Malaysian population) were generally estate plantation workers, while the Chinese (consisting of about 3 5 percent of the Malaysian population) were mostly traders who had settled down in urban areas. The Malays were much poorer than other ethnic groups in Malaysia. Jomo ( 1 990, p. 92) tabulates the average monthly income of Chinese, Indian, and Malay

households in 1 970 as RM 394, RM 304, and RM 1 72 respectively.

Because the Malays believed that the government was less sensitive to their needs and too liberal in its approach to other ethnic groups, Malaysia was confronted with a bloody race riot on 1 3 May 1 969. This event brought about a silent coup d 'etat. The then Deputy Prime Minister took over the helm and became the second Prime Minister of Malaysia. He immediately adopted the New Economic Policy (hereafter termed as NEP).

NEP was a twenty-year socio-economic plan that had two major aims, namely to eradicate poverty and to restructure the ownership of industrial and corporate capital. It also aims at abolishing the identification of ethnicity with the economic functions. In practice these efforts were attempts to increase capital ownership and participation in certain occupations among Malays without confiscating those held by other ethnic groups. This was done by granting more shares to Malays in new growth area and by training more Malay professionals/graduates (using a required minimum percentage quota intake of Mal ay students) in the local polytechnics and universities. This special privilege is tenned as 'Bumiputra rights' meaning

'rightful to the son of the soil' .

Official data on the incidence of poverty suggest that the number of Malaysians below the poverty line declined from 49.3 percent in 1 970 to 29.2 percent in 1 980. While the data on ownership reveal" that the share of capital owned by Chinese, Indians, and Malays rose from 27 percent, 1 percent, and 3 percent in 1 969 to 33 percent, 2 percent, and 39 percent in 1 988 respectively (see Jomo, 1 990, p. 1 45-

1 65).30 In effect, NEP (which expired in May 1 990) was less successful at eradicating poverty than at restructuring equity.

Equity restructuring, too, has its weaknesses, i.e., it created inter-Malay

ineqUalities. Among the causes for inter-Mal ay inequalities were the emergence of cronyism or the distribution of rentier opportunities to finns (and individuals) controlled by or well-connected to politicians. By such political-bureaucratic practices, the government created an avenue for the emergence of a small group of politically influential 'new rich' Malay thereby creating inter-ethnic inequalities (Chandra, 1 979; Gomez and Jomo, 1 997). This led to a resurgence of Islam in the new environment of the NEP.

30 The unaccounted percentages (Le., 69 percent in 1 969 and 26 percent in \ 988) were foreign ownership.

The second major event that brought about a resurgence of Islam in Malaysia was the Islamic revolution in Iran. The successful coup which toppled the Shah's reign demonstrated the power of Muslim militants throughout the world and revived the voluntary movements in Malaysia. Academicians in religious studies began to write daringly of the rejuvenation of Islam (Mehmet, 1 990). PERKIM managed to gain outside international funding to win new converts. ABIM managed to win over

Muslim students at the local universities, while the rural Malays were inclining to support Parti Islam Malaysia (hereafter referred to as PAS), the only Islam based opposition political party in Malaysia. Furthermore, PAS entered into tacit alliance with ABIM (see Mehmet, 1 990, pp. 1 09- 1 10).

The Islamic revolution in Iran began to derogate support for

UMNO

(the dominant party in the ruling coalition which represents the Malays).3 1 UMNO was literally forced to react to outflank its Islamic opposition. In July 1 98 1 , UMNO managed to influence both ABIM and PAS leaders. ABIM's founding leader was co-opted into UMN 0 and started his political career with his election as a Member of Parliament in the 1 982 general election. Shortly after the same election, the prominent PAS president surrendered his PAS leadership to the religious leaders and joined the UMNO faction (Mehmet, 1 990, p. 1 1 0).

UMNO began to lose its secular character, and Islamic values started to be

inculcated into national policies. Malaysia, now, has Islam based socio-economic entities l ike Bank Islam Malaysia Limited (a public listed firm dealing in Islamic Banking), Islamic windows in a few conventional banks in Malaysia, two Takaful Insurance firms (firms formed to manage Islam based insurance schemes), Sultan

3 1 The National Front, i.e., the ruling coalition in Malaysia since independence, composes of 1 3 political parties. Of these 1 3 political parties, three major ones are UMNO (United Malay National Organisation - the dominant party in the coalition and which represents the Malays), MeA (MaJaysian Chinese Association - the second largest party in the coalition and which represents the Chinese community), and MIC (Malaysian Indian Congress - the third largest party in the coalition and which represents the Indians).

Zainal Abidin Religious College and International Islamic University Malaysia (tertiary institutions set up to consolidate Islamic and western teachings), Pilgrimage Fund Board (a board set up to look after the needs of Muslims

performing their fifth principle of Islam, Ha}}), and a Department of Islamic Affairs (a department in the Prime Minister's department headed by a politician with a religious background). The Department of Islamic Mfairs i s responsible for co­ ordinating all major religious matters at the national level.

Documento similar