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In general little is know n about the psychological effect of early

involvem ent in sport as it is only recently that psychological researchers have begun to take the study of childrens' sport seriously. M uch of the early w ork has been

criticised for its em phasis upon laboratory experim entation (Martens, 1978); failing to take developm ental processes into account (Weiss & Bredemeir, 1983); and treating the child as a m ini-adult (Gould, 1982).

In addition m any studies have proved inconclusive because of problem s w ith the design of the research. These include the use of selected sam ples, failure to

investigate concerns of practical significance; difficulties defining 'intensive training'; using sam ples too small to draw any general conclusions; and reliance on single event, or cross-sectional research m ethodology w here it is not possible to separate the effects of training from those of advancing m aturation. M any investigators have failed to discrim inate betw een the training dem ands of different sports, or account for either developm ental or sex differences. It is difficult, therefore, to determ ine the

sports-specific nature of any positive or negative effect, or w hether m ales or females are m ore vulnerable or resilient.

H ow ever, perhaps the m ost fundam ental problem regarding previous research into y o u th sport has been the concentration upo n effects of com petition, rather than the process (training) that enables the young athlete to compete. It seems unw ise to ignore the effects of training w hen, because of its frequency and duration, it is m ore likely th at an athlete will be harm ed by training than competition. It is rare for an athlete to be injured during a competitive event, particularly in non-contact sports (Garrick and Requa 1978). Similarly, the training situation has a considerable

influence u p o n both the young athlete and his or her parents as they are exposed to a m odelling and learning environm ent w hich shapes behaviour in both sporting and no n -sp o rtin g situations.

Age related vulnerabiUties

Because of the nature of their involvem ent in youth sport both m ale and female athletes are exposed to particular age related vulnerabilities w hich m ay increase the risk of experiencing depression. Those w ith unusual physical talent share w ith other gifted children the need for early identification and continual developm ent and sup p o rt if potential is to be reached. W hat does differentiate the physically able from children w ith abilities m ore comm only associated w ith

giftedness, such as musical or intellectual excellence, is the relatively sm all w indow of o p p o rtu n ity available to achieve their potential. In m any sports, athletes have to cram a lifetim e's achievem ent into a relatively short period of time. It is not surprising, therefore, that in sports such as gymnastics, sw im m ing or tennis, youngsters of 1 2 or

13 years m ay have already trained and competed for five or six years. Generally speaking these athletes can expect a further two or three years at the top before reduction in m otivation, injury and of course the ageing process cause a decline in their ability. For these children the consequences of retirem ent m ay be considerable.

R e t i r e m e n t

U ntil recently, research aim ed at increasing our u n derstanding of the reasons w hy young people give up or retire from sport has been relatively sparse. A lthough

the last decade has seen an increase in the am ount of research directed tow ards athletes' experiences of retirem ent, the focus has tended tow ards the transition from professional sport to a second career, or concentrates on those w ho have com peted at international level. There is less inform ation available on young athletes' experience of retirem ent.

C oncern in the U nited States over high attrition rates from youth sports program m es prom pted studies into w hy so m any young people w ere dropping out of sport (Weiss & Petlichkoff, 1989). These early studies report that the m ajority of children cited negative experiences such as an em phasis on com petition or an over­ em phasis on w inning as reasons w hy they discontinued their involvem ent (Orlick, 1973). M ore recent studies have found different reasons. "Having other things to do", "boredom", and "conflict of interests" have been the p red o m in an t reasons given (M cPherson et al, 1980). These results do not support the m ore p o p u lar belief th at m any young athletes decide to discontinue their involvem ent due to excessive pressure. O ther studies have concentrated on the outcom e of retirem ent suggesting th at retired athletes feel neglected and abandoned and that their new status has low ered their self esteem (Hill & Lowe, 1974).

A n im portant issue which m ay influence the reasons for w ithdraw al is the level of intensity of sports involvement. Little research has addressed possible differences in participation and attrition m otives am ongst children and adolescents involved in elite, com petitive and recreational sport (Weiss & Petlichkoff, 1983).

To date studies have concentrated m ore on the reasons for joining and leaving y outh sport. They have not looked in any detail at the period of transition young athletes m ust negotiate after having m ade the decision to w ithdraw . W hilst the transition period has been central to research for the professional athlete, it does not seem to have attracted very m uch attention w ith respect to the younger

com petitor. Because of the em phasis upon un d erstan d in g the m otives for

participation and attrition, it is difficult to evaluate how realistic current concerns about the problem s associated w ith w ithdraw al actually are.

M en arch e a n d m en strual d ysfunction in young a th le te s

M enarche is the term applied to the beginning of m enstrual function. There has been a secular trend in W estern Europe in the m ean age at w hich girls attain m enarche, from approxim ately 1 6 - 1 7 years in the 1800's to the contem porary figure of betw een 12 years. 6 m onths and 13 years of age (Cagas and Riley, 1970; Ellison, 1981;

Tanner, 1975). Studies of tw ins (monozygotic and dizygotic), and of m others and d au g h ters indicate a significant genetic com ponent in the tim ing of m enarche (M alina et al, 1993), although dem ographic and environm ental sources of variation in the tim ing of this m aturational event are also significant. Such influences include nutritional status, family size (Roberts et al, 1967;1971), socio-economic class (Bojlen et al 1971), em otional states (Dalton, 1968) and seasonal differences (Billewicz et al, 1981). In recent years intensive training has also become an accepted addition to defined causes of delayed menarche (Frisch et al, 1981; Malina, 1983; Malina et al, 1973). H igh levels of athletic perform ance have also been found to arrest the norm al m enstrual cycle in older female athletes (secondary am enorrhea), and im pair luteal functioning (Jacobs, 1982; Shangold et al, 1979).

Menarche in the young athlete

O n the basis of his com prehensive review of the available research literature, M alina (1983) concludes that on average m enarche occurs later in athletes than in the general population. Sports studied included track, field and long distance running (Feicht and Johnson, 1978; Foster et al, 1982; M alina et al, 1973), gym nastics (Novak et al, 1973; 1976; Sprynarova & Parizkova, 1969) and volleyball (Sidhu & Grewal, 1980). W ith few exceptions the findings are consistent across several countries. O nly

sw im m ers have been found to be an exception to the tendency tow ard later m enarche (A strand et al, 1963; Malina, 1983). The data also suggest an association betw een

m enarche and perform ance, such that athletes at the m ore advanced com petitive levels have a later m enarcheal age than those at lower levels.

H ow ever, research w hich has analysed the relationship betw een intensive training and delayed m enarche is limited, and in general investigators have not

controlled for other dem ographic or environm ental factors w hich could have a significant effect u pon the age at which m enstruation begins. Suggestions as to the role of intensive training are based upon observations th at m enarche occurs later in athletes, and later in those w ho began training prior to m enarche than in those w ho began training after m enarche (Malina, 1983). H ow ever, the relationship betw een later m enarche and pre-pubescent training is largely speculative. It is unclear w hether late p u b erty in athletes is due to some aspect of intensive training and exercise, or w hether there is a selection factor operating, w hich m eans that children w ho enter intensive training are selectively likely to m ature later (Stager et al, 1990). A recent UK stu d y by Baxter-Jones et al (1994) using 222 intensively trained gym nasts,

sw im m ers and tennis players from the sam ple that forms the subject of this thesis, found evidence to suggest menarche was intrinsically late rather than delayed by training. The authors suggest that rather than being a consequence of intensive training, late m aturation is a selection factor associated w ith perform ance success at least in som e sports such as gymnastics. More inform ation is needed on this

possibility.

The delay in m enarche, although having no significant deleterious effect upon the child's health, could have an adverse influence u pon the athlete's perceptions of her sexual developm ent and feelings of personal adequacy. It is not know n how female athletes perceive their delay in m enstruation in regard to their fem ininity, or w hether this is a significant risk factor for emotional problem s such as depression. Similarly, as m enarche is significantly associated w ith other m aturational factors such as breast developm ent and the beginning of a m ore 'feminine' body shape, how does the retention of pre-pubescent physique influence peer group status and acceptance? Brooks-G unn & Ruble (1983) argue that reaching m enarche later than m ost peers can result in feelings of unattractiveness and low self w orth because of the insecurity about being 'out-of-step' w ith the peer group, and m akes the experience of the onset of m enstruation m ore negative than it is for the average m aturing girl. W hether the rew ards associated w ith success in sport com pensate for the delay in biological

m aturity has yet to be established.

Fam ily process and sports participation

It has been suggested that the m ost im portant influence on a young person's capacity to be successful in sport is the home environm ent (Ericsson et al, 1990).

Parents w ith an active interest in sport will naturally expose their children to various activities at an early age as p art of family leisure time (Bloom, 1985b). It has been suggested that at least one of the parents of elite perform ers is often interested and active in the same or a similar area (Bloom op cit.; Fowler 1969). Further studies have show n that the family provides the m ain m otivation for a child's participation in some sports (Carl 1984; Rowley 1992).

G enerally psychologists have paid little attention to the effect intensive training m ay have u pon family process (Rowley 1987). Yet training involves

considerable investm ent of time and com m itm ent not only from the young athlete b u t from the w hole family, as parents become involved in various su pporting roles. These include changes in m ealtimes, transportation to and from the training facility and supplying financial assistance to the extent that it m ay affect the availability of m oney for other dom estic needs. Such is the extent of the p aren ts' involvem ent that it m ay have im plications for m arital disharm ony - frequent absences from the hom e and a cessation of social life can m agnify areas of dissatisfaction and increase the num ber of argum ents betw een partners. (Rowley, 1987).

F a m ily p ro cess and em otional problem s in youth sport

Critics of youth sport have proposed that children are not developm entally p rep ared to cope w ith the em otional pressures of the sports environm ent (Brower 1978; Roberts 1975). H ow ever as Freeman (1983) suggests, this is not a m atter for children to cope w ith on their own, since expectations are largely social in origin, com ing from the parent, coach or peer group. Research has yet to exam ine how ever, the effects of parental behaviours on the incidence of m ood disorders. Anecdotal evidence suggests such a relationship b u t questions still rem ain (Passer 1982).

It is proposed that w hen adults become involved in youth sport they have a tendency to place unreasonable dem ands on the young athlete, p u rsu in g am bitions of their ow n and placing an excessive emphasis on w inning (Ogilvie, 1979; Sage, 1978). This can result in some young athletes developing unrealistic aspirations and

com m itm ent to training as feelings of personal w orth become equated w ith perform ance success (Rowley 1987). The em otional stress associated w ith this situation has been reported to cause psychosomatic com plaints (Task 1986), loss of

appetite (Smith & Smoll 1982) and nervous exhaustion (Cratty 1978). In its extreme form this m ay result in some children developing injuries w here no physical basis can be found. This allows them a socially acceptable form of retreat from physical activities that are construed as socially, psychologically or physically threatening (Yaffe 1983). The stability of the family m ay also affect the health and well being of the young athlete. Previous research indicates that young players w ho had experienced life

events or long-term difficulties - such as family instability due to parental illness, separation, divorce or death - w ere m ore likely to sustain a significant injury

(C oddington & Troxell, 1980). How ever it is possible that w hen a child is u n d er stress in com petitive sport, either through routine of intensive training or com petition, the experience m ay well be protective against the developm ent of em otional and

behavioural disorders. Further inform ation is needed on this possibility.

S port and the fam ily life cycle

Sport has a dynam ic, continuing effect on family life. The m ain challenge to the family system comes from having to adapt to the increasing financial, physical and em otional dem ands of the child's increasing sports participation. It is unlikely that the level of com m itm ent required from parents will be the same for an 8 year old as it is

for an adolescent athlete training 20 hours a week. For example, w hen a child first starts sport the dem ands upon parents are modest. H ow ever, as the child increases his or her involvem ent, parents have to give up m ore and m ore of their tim e, effort and money. This transition has been reported as having a significant effect u p o n family life as p aren ts have to go w ithout holidays, or forgo hom e im provem ents in order to su p p o rt the young athletes sports involvem ent (Rowley, 1992a). It is at this stage that success or failure can affect the whole family. As children m ature, parents m ay begin to disengage as their children take on m ore responsibility for directing their ow n sports involvem ent. More m ature children can take them selves to the training

facility, so freeing the parents from this considerable supporting role. The final stage of the life cycle concerns the period w hen a young athlete wishes to retire or change his or h er involvem ent.

H ow the family copes w ith the transition period associated w ith each stage m ay have a significant effect u p o n family functioning and the psychological well-being of the child.

Intensive training and educationai attainment

The relationship betw een sports participation and educational attainm ent has been of considerable interest to social scientists and educators (Macintosh, 1982). M ost studies have concentrated u pon the effects of children's participation in school sports, rather than those involved in training and com petition outside the educational environm ent. It is only possible to speculate, therefore, as to the effect intensive training m ay have upon educational attainm ent. For exam ple, anecdotally young sw im m ers and gym nasts engaged in intensive training routines have described difficulty concentrating at school due to tiredness, w ith hom ew ork being com pleted late at night or early in the m orning (Rowley, 1987). W hether this routine has any adverse effect upon exam ination results has yet to be established. It is generally accepted that participants in school sports tend to produce better academ ic results than non-participants, and have higher educational aspirations (Schaffer & Arm er, 1968; Schaffer & Renberg, 1970; Spreitzer & Pugh, 1973).

H ow ever, some investigators have reported that although school athletes had higher educational aspirations they did not attain higher academic results (M acintosh, 1982).

The research evidence so far is questionable as m ost studies have failed to take into account the effect of variables such as social class and sex. This is im portant as a n u m ber of researchers have show n the influence of social class and the sex of the child on p u p ils' attitudes to school and educational attainm ent (Deem, 1978; H endry & McKenzie (1978); Ryrie (1981); W hyld 1983).

W here research has attem pted to control for the effect of social class, the results indicate th at higher levels of educational achievem ent associated w ith sports participation are m ore m arked in w orking class, than in m iddle or u p p er class

children (Bend, 1968; Schaffer & Arm er, 1968). The Trois Rivieres C anadian study m onitored the contribution of added physical activity to the academic achievem ent of children th roughout prim ary school (Shephard, 1984). The results indicated that active students received significantly higher m arks than children not exposed to