* Marshal Rokossovsky's First Belorussian Front led the Soviet advance into Poland, jumping across the 1939 Soviet-Polish border on the morning of 18 July 1944, preceded by the massive artillery bombardments favored by the Red Army. The immediate objective was Lublin, about 95 kilometers (60 miles) to the west and 170 kilometers (105 miles) southeast of Warsaw. Although Hitler had designated Lublin a fortified place, the garrison only numbered about 900 men. The Red Army entered Lublin on the afternoon of 23 July and quickly captured it.
All seemed to be going to Stalin's satisfaction. Poland was not merely the road to Berlin, it was a valuable piece of property in its own right, and Stalin took steps to make sure it would remain Soviet property after the war. On 22 July, the Soviets announced the formation of the "Polish Committee of National Liberation", which became known as the "Lublin Committee". The committee was played up in propaganda broadcasts as a representative selection of free Polish leadership, but it was just a tool of the Kremlin, for example endorsing a new border that would cede large amounts of Polish territory to the USSR. The fact that the prewar Mikolajczyk government was still operating in exile in London was not much of an inconvenience; Moscow effectively ignored them.
By the end of the month, the Second and Third Ukrainian Fronts had begun a push into Rumania, the door to the Balkans, while Marshal Konev's First Ukrainian Front moved out to support
Rokossovsky's First Belourussian Front along its southern flank. The move into Poland, however, was beginning to bog down as the Red Army stretched its supply lines and encountered stronger German resistance.
Soviet soldiers advancing into Poland found more ghastly evidence of German cruelty. Nazi rule had been, first to last, the very worst in Poland. The extermination of the Jewry and other "undesireables" had been mostly conducted in the six great "killing factories" the SS had established on Polish soil. On 23 July, the Red Army had captured the death camp at Majdanek, just outside Lublin. Soviet propaganda took full advantage of the opportunity to trumpet atrocities that were almost beyond imagination. For the moment, Hitler's crimes proved so monstrous that they masked suspicions in the West that Stalin was every bit as big a monster. Stalin himself would now do much to verify that all the suspicions about him were true.
* On 29 July, as the Red Army approached Warsaw, Soviet radio broadcasts issued appeals for the Poles to rise up, that the moment of liberation was at hand. Communism, the creed of the Soviet state that most Poles regarded as a menace to their national liberty, had never been popular in Poland, and the Communist underground there was weak. The main resistance group was the Polish Home Army, the resistance arm of the Polish government in exile in London. The Home Army was led by "General Bor", the nom de guerre of Tadeusz Komorowski, leading a force said to be in the hundreds of thousands. The Warsaw branch of the Home Army was led by "Colonel Monter", actually Antoni Chrusciel, who led 40,000 resistance fighters. Soviet propaganda had very little good to say about the Home Army.
With Soviet tanks not far away, the Home Army wanted to be able to liberate Warsaw by themselves to make it much more difficult for Moscow to set up the stooge Lublin Committee as the government of Poland. The Home Army wasn't really strong enough to beat the heavily-armed Germans in a stand-up fight, but if the Poles could clear the enemy out of the city and then let the Red Army move in, the Germans would not have time to send in reinforcements.
Such an uprising assumed a certain cooperativeness on the part of the Red Army, and skeptics might have wondered just how sincere the Soviet radio broadcasts had been in calling for an uprising. Churchill, definitely a skeptic of the Soviets, encouraged Mikolajczyk to fly to Moscow on 31 July and try to sort things out with Stalin.
However, the Warsaw Poles did not wait on the outcome of the visit. Taking action without
assurances from the Soviets was taking a big risk, but it would have been a big risk to do nothing as well, and so the order came down to rise up. The fighting was to begin at 5:00 PM on 1 August 1944, but squabbles and shooting with the Germans started after 3:00 PM. The insurgents, wearing red-and- white armbands in reflection of the colors of the Polish flag, quickly captured the center of Warsaw. Things seemed to be going well, though the Germans were able to hold their main installations, denying the insurgents supplies, weapons, and ammunition. Still, there were only about 13,000 German troops in the city and their commander, Lieutenant General Reiner Stahel, was surrounded in his own headquarters in the center of town. The Home Army fighters set up barricades in the streets to hold the ground they had taken. They were enthusiastic and excited. Pictures show pretty Polish girls carrying captured German weapons and gear, smiling broadly.
* Responsibility for fighting partisans actually fell to Heinrich Himmler and the SS. Himmler even welcomed the uprising to an extent. It would provide a pretext for the total destruction of Warsaw and teach the Poles the lesson that their national aspirations were a delusion. Inspired by this noble vision, Himmler promptly ordered that General Stefan Rowecki, General Bor's predecessor and a captive of the Germans since June 1943, be taken out and executed on 1 August.
The next day, 2 August, Himmler ordered SS General Erich von dem Bach-Zelewski to crush the uprising. Von dem Bach was far from happy with the assignment, since all he had was two battalions and a regiment of German Army troops, plus two brigades of SS troops. Both of the SS brigades were scrapings from the bottom of the barrel. The Dirlewanger Brigade was led by SS Colonel Oscar Dirlewanger, basically a drunk and a thug who had recruited criminals and other unpleasant sorts much like him from concentration and prison camps. The Kaminski Brigade, led by Mieczyslaw Kaminski, a Soviet citizen recruited into the SS to fight partisans, was of much the same low level of quality.
Von dem Bach tried to make do with what he had. The fighting for the town went back and forth in a more or less haphazard fashion for two days, but then on 5 August the SS attacked in force, with orders passed down from Himmler to kill every Pole -- all men, the women, the children -- and to
destroy everything. The Dirlewanger and Kaminski Brigades made little real progress. The
Dirlewanger Brigade did follow their orders to the extent of rounding up tens of thousands of Polish civilians and shooting them, but they were not as energetic in dealing with Poles who were shooting back. The Kaminski Brigade was, blessedly, even less diligent than the Dirlewanger Brigade, with its soldiers mostly focused on loot and rape. They were stopped cold when the Poles cleverly placed a vodka distillery in their path.
Von dem Bach immediately realized that these troops were worse than useless; in fact, the Germans would become so disgusted with Kaminski's notions of soldiering that they would simply shoot him in a few weeks. For the moment, von dem Bach took the measure of passing down an order that the mindless slaughter of the defenseless was to cease. Von dem Bach was absolutely no saint, having been doing the Reich's dirty work in directing SS einsatzgruppen in the occupied regions of the USSR until the Red Army managed to encourage the Germans to leave. He gave the order at least partly to focus his force of thugs on actually fighting instead of amusing themselves with idle killing. It must have also registered in the back of his mind that the time was coming soon when Germans would have to answer for their conduct. Unfortunately, his order was often ignored.
* In the meantime, in Moscow Stalin was giving Mikolajczyk the run-around, even insisting that there was no evidence of fighting in Warsaw. The Home Army was screaming for supplies and weapons, and so on the night of 4 August the British Royal Air Force (RAF) sent 14 bombers, half of them piloted by Poles, from southern Italy to drop weapons and supplies by parachute.
The goods were delivered in three-meter (ten foot) metal cylinders and included Sten submachine guns, rifles, pistols, ammunition, and the British "Portable Infantry Anti-Tank (PIAT)" weapon. The PIAT consisted of a launcher with a big spring that fired an anti-tank bomb, and though it was a crude weapon it was particularly useful to the Home Army in close-quarters fights with German panzers. Niceties such as clothing, chocolate, cigarettes, and coffee were also crammed into the cylinders. However, five of the bombers sent on the mission didn't come back, and the RAF decided to discontinue the supply flights. The London Poles protested loudly and the supply flights were resumed on 8 August. In the meantime, the USAAF had come up with a scheme to perform supply drops and land at the bases in the Ukraine, but when US Ambassador Averell Harriman asked Molotov for permission, Molotov flatly refused, saying that Moscow didn't want anything to do with the Warsaw "adventure". Harriman shot back that Soviet radio broadcasts had encouraged the uprising. Molotov replied in his usual bland way that he hadn't heard about any such broadcasts. * On 12 August, von dem Bach renewed his assault on the Home Army. This time he relied on artillery, lots of it -- even using oversized siege guns designed to crush major fortifications -- supported by armor. He began to grind methodically through the areas of the city held by the insurgents, though it was slow going since some of the ancient buildings in the city were extremely solid, and Home Army resistance was very stubborn.
The fighters included teenage girls, as well as young boys who normally acted as couriers, often crawling through the sewers to reach their objectives, but who occasionally took active part in combat as well. The Home Army had little food or water and the weather was very hot. Tens of thousands of Poles had been killed, and though great efforts were made to bury them it wasn't possible to bury them all, and the air swarmed with flies that carried disease.
Von dem Bach launched a particularly heavy assault on 19 August. On 20 August Roosevelt and Churchill sent a joint appeal to Stalin to either allow the Allies to perform supply drops to the Home Army, or to provide direct assistance to the uprising. Stalin flatly refused to do anything, calling the London Poles a gang of "power-seeking criminals" who had foolishly led their people into a hopeless undertaking.
By 6 September, the Germans had surrounded and isolated the Home Army in the city. On 7 and 8 September, short truces arranged by the Red Cross took place, with von dem Bach allowing tens of thousands of civilians trapped by the fighting to leave unmolested. On 9 September, Bor sent messengers to von dem Bach to ask for terms of surrender.
Now Stalin returned to his long tradition of playing cat-and-mouse games. On 11 September he gave the Americans authorization to use the Ukraine bases for the shuttle supply flights. The next day,
elements of Rokossovsky's First Belorussian Front evicted the Germans from their holdings to the east of the Vistula where it ran through Warsaw, the Germans blowing the bridges across the river behind them as they pulled out.
Soviet radio broadcasts encouraged the Home Army to fight on. Stalin also ordered airdrops of supplies to the insurgents, using the little low-and-slow Po-2 biplanes, with the cargoes simply heaved out without parachutes and smashing to the ground. On 16 September, a few companies from the First Polish Army, an element of the First Belorussian Front composed of Soviet citizens of Polish
extraction and Poles who had been imprisoned after Stalin's occupation of their country, paddled across the Vistula and set up a bridgehead. They would only stay about a week and had no effect on the battle.
The American airdrop took place on 18 September, with 110 B-17s dropping a total of 1,284 supply containers. The Home Army only managed to recover 288 of them, which still gave them much more supplies than were provided by the faint-hearted Soviet airlift. The Americans would not perform another drop on Warsaw. There would be a shuttle bombing raid on the railroad marshalling yards at Szolnok in Hungary the next day, 19 September, but that would be the end of FRANTIC. Stalin refused to authorize further use of the bases, and the shrinking of the battle fronts around the Reich rendered them pointless anyway. Operation FRANTIC had not been a good use of Allied resources. The Germans judged it to be a propaganda exercise to impress the Soviets, but all it really
accomplished was to make the strains in the alliance more obvious.
* The airdrop did persuade the Home Army to hang on a little longer, which in turn convinced the Germans that they had to crush the uprising once and for all. Elements of the German 9th Army began a final push against the Home Army on 24 September, crushing the Poles district by district.
On the evening of 30 September, General Bor sent an officer to von dem Bach once more to discuss terms of surrender. A cease-fire followed on the next day, 1 October. General Bor radioed London and Soviet forces across the river, saying he would try to hold out a few more days if the Red Army were willing to move into the city immediately. The message to London was relayed to the Soviet ambassador to Britain, who rejected it, and Churchill forwarded it to Moscow. There was absolutely no response from Stalin.
There was, however, a hasty response from von dem Bach, whose listening posts had intercepted the message. He saw every prospect that Stalin would go through one more cycle of his games and further prolong the uprising. As a result, von dem Bach was extremely reasonable when he sat down with a Home Army delegation at his headquarters on 2 October. The Poles insisted that they be treated as prisoners of war; that they would be granted amnesty for all actions against the German occupation; and that they be guarded in the prison camps by German Army troops, not SS thugs. Von dem Bach agreed to it all with little or no argument, and the surrender was signed that evening.
The Home Army surrendered the next morning, 3 October 1944. About 15,000 Poles went off to POW camps, with citizens lining the streets to watch them go. The bystanders were weeping,
shouting, singing the Polish national anthem, falling to their knees. A picture survives of General Bor shaking von dem Bach's hand, Bor with his head bowed, von dem Bach looking surprisingly gracious and kindly.
In fact, von dem Bach seemed to have something of a entirely out-of-place streak of charisma for an SS general. Hitler had once commented on this, calling him "clever", or what in more modern times might be called "slick". At the surrender ceremony von dem Bach praised the "magnificent soldiers of the Home Army" and suggested the time would come when Germans and Poles would fight together against their true enemy. After the war he would be tried, but escaped the hangman by taking a very cooperative line with his captors and confessing to crimes, though almost certainly not remotely close to all of those he actually committed. He ended up with a ten-year prison sentence, and some sources claim it was suspended.
* About 200,000 Poles had died in the uprising, about a tenth of them Home Army fighters. It had not been a walkover for the Germans, who had lost about the same number of troops as the Home Army. To Stalin, it was neatly done. He had let the Germans eliminate potential opposition to his own rule over Poland, while the Poles helped exhaust the Germans in turn. The only flaw was that the veil of lies he presented to the outside world was now badly tattered.
The Red Army simply sat across the Vistula for the rest of the year while the Germans completed the demolition of Warsaw, as ordered by Himmler. When the Soviets finally entered the city in mid- January 1945, they found nothing but rubble and cinders.