EMPRESA ATRIBUTOS
V. DISCUSIÓN DE LOS RESULTADOS
4.7.1 Development (Residential) Land
The Omanhene and his divisional and sub-chiefs, acting on his behalf, also allocate land for development in the area. Development according to the community members means having infrastructure such as residential and commercial buildings alongside public roads. If however a parcel of land has been allocated to a family, the omanhene contacts that family and compensates them before allocating that land for development projects. According to the head of family in Ofaakor, this is to ensure that the occupying families are not deprived of their livelihood. The affected family is expected to be compensated with about half (½) or one-third portion of the land since most family members depend on such farm land for their sustenance. This is in line with the customary rules in the studied community as explained by the chiefs and elders of the council during the interviews. The final decision is made by the chief. This however is generally not the case in the study area as discussed in the subsequent chapters where the chiefs do not compensate the effected individuals and families.
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97 4.7.2 Peri-Urban or Outskirt (Farm) Land
Outskirt land, according to the odikros of Bentum and Ofaakor, refers to land near the town and which the town is developing towards, but has not yet caught up with. In this studied communities, Gada, Kovo Torgah and Oklu Kwanta villages are outskirt lands since they are at the periphery of Kasoa Township. In other cases outskirt lands may also be at the tail end of the town, where ‘nsamanpom’ (cemetery), school lands or the lorry station may be located. It also refers to lands at the end of the community and which may share boundaries with another chief’s land such as at Kovo Torgah which shares a boundary with a Ga chief which has led to constant fighting between these two communities. These lands are usually used for farming. When housing development catches up with outskirt land, the land is divided into three parts with the omanhene taking two parts and giving one part to the occupying family. While the omanhene can use his share of the outskirt land for community development, a family owning a portion of outskirt land can also transfer it for building purposes. The council of the elders indicated that with the permission of the omanhene, anybody whether indigene, migrant, disabled or able-bodied, can access outskirt lands. According to them, outskirt land is usually used for residential purposes, commercial activities like hotels and health facilities such as a clinic.
4.7.3 Commercial Land
Lands with commercial value include plots of land for residential use, farmlands, lorry parks and market stalls. The District Assembly and the Traditional Council play roles in the re-allocation and management of these lands. While the Traditional Council headed by the Paramount Chief makes allocation of commercial land, the District Assembly is charged with its management and maintenance. In the case where at a commercial land a factory or a farm has been built up like at Jei River farms in Kasoa along the Bentum road, it is the responsibility of the district assembly to maintain the roads. For housing estate purposes, a Plot Allocation Committee together with the District Assembly’s Town and Country Planning Department ensure that lands are properly laid out. The Town and Country Planning Department of the District Assembly also issues building permits while the Office of the Administrator of Stool Lands collects ground rent. The Plot Allocation committee sees to it that the various communities are well taken care of. They help grow grasses in erosion-prone areas, organize communal labour to clean community and plant trees to serve as wind breaks and check erosion. With respect to land for economic purposes, the District Assembly
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collects revenue especially in markets and uses it to develop those areas. People can use land for commercial activities after the omanhene has given his consent. Areas like market places have been designated for economic and commercial activities, where the District Assembly collects tolls from the use of such land to maintain it. The Town and Country Planning Department helps to control the use of such land by drawing lay-outs for land for commercial uses. Land meant for social activities, the District Assembly generate and collects revenue and is responsible for the development and maintenance of that area. Schools and other social services have been secured with boundaries to protect such institutions from losing land through encroachment. Further, agricultural land is managed by the family heads, clans and in other instances it’s the divisional chiefs who are in charge of all lands. Individuals and farm caretakers ensure that lands are not encroached. When there is a problem, the Odikro, and subsequently the omanhene are informed. In this area the protected land such as open spaces, children’s playgrounds are managed by the Traditional Council’s Lands Committee, while the forest areas are managed by the Forestry Commission.
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5
Communities, Land Transfers and Accountability
5.1
Introduction
This chapter presents the empirical findings on accountability and land transfers at community level. More especially by answering the two objectives of analyzing the formal and informal accountability mechanisms instituted within the localities in customary land management. The other objective that is also being tackled in the chapter is that of critically analysing the assumptions, understandings and expectations of accountability within chieftaincy institutions by community members. This is with specific reference to land conflicts by examining ways and strategies that local people use to hold chiefs accountable in land disputes. These objectives were answered by such questions as what local accountability mechanisms are in place to facilitate chiefs’ accountable in land matters and how effective are they? As well as to what extent is the chieftaincy institution accountable in land administration and how legitimate are their actions? What are ordinary people’ understanding and perception of accountability? Empirically, the chapter makes extensive use of primary data from personal interviews and employs secondary data to support findings. Case studies are presented and a general overview of community struggles and loss of land to traditional authorities is given along with a more detailed description of their knowledge and expectations they have towards chiefs on land administration. It explains in context localized popular knowledge and perception of the chief’s accountability on land and the actual local control or mechanisms of holding chiefs accountable. It contains discussion that reveal the complexities within the communities the different accountability mechanisms they try to employ thus giving a better understanding of another dimension of frustration faced by local community members in Ghana. Examples of conflicts in relation to holding traditional authorities accountable are also presented to depict the frustration felt by the community members in Ghana. The theoretical concepts of power relations and the political economy approach are very reflective in the struggles of chiefs land accountability. The concluding section summarises the discussions by highlighting the important issues in the chapter.
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