DISCUSIÓN DE RESULTADOS:

ANGUS PERTHSHIRE FIFE Brechin Number of migrants from source Firih of Forih From Edinburgh 10 20 30 km Source : 0 5 . Route Planning Map North

Source : GRO OPR 275/5-6

Of the 662 inmigrants to Dundee, 14.2% (94) came from sources over 100 km distant. These included several women supposedly from foreign destinations such as Jamaica and this group was excluded from the distance analysis to allow a better comparison of middle-range movers to be made.^^® The average distance migrated by the remaining 568 females was 26 km which is again further than the distances to Brechin or Friockheim. This was as predicted but the dissimilarities would have been much greater had the long-distance migrants been included (though it can be conversely argued that they would have simply skewed the averages). Dundee attracted a salient long-distance element (over 50 km), although the levels were not as high as that of Edinburgh in the later eighteenth-century. As Dundee was a regional centre and not the Scottish capital these results are not unexpected.

There was a progressive increase in the spatial extent of the inmigration fields and also in the numbers of migrants in proportion to the population size of the destination and the centre's position on the urban hierarchy. The reason behind the migration and the type of migrants also influenced the shape and size of the inmigration field. Friockheim was a new planned settlement which grew with the feuing of land. Opportunities for economic gain were limited to working at Friock Mill or weaving for merchants and manufacturers based in the nearby towns. Some capital was required to purchase the feus but the new village may have seemed attractive to many who were searching for a new abode and way of life as the rural environment underwent modernisation. The other two fields consisted of 198 The data used were extracted from the marriage registers and inmigration assumed if parental residence differed from the bride's. Some of the long-distance migrants may have had fathers who resided abroad but the females themselves actually lived in Britain thus confusing the pattern of inmigration to Dundee.

only female migrants who were most likely to have been employed in domestic service (which was concentrated in the towns at this time) or in spinning if they were working at all. Both of these inmigration fields were wider than the area of movement to Friockheim despite the fact that females were supposedly shorter-distance migrants than males. This is probably caused by the greater attractions of the larger urban centres for employment.

Occupational Variations

Migrants do not form homogeneous flows from sources to destination points in terms of their characteristics. Whilst we have looked at a range of factors affecting the overall inmigration to the towns we have so far omitted to consider the types of occupations of the movers. Wojchiechowska (1988) defines several labour markets in nineteenth-century Brenchley. Whilst the labourers, farmers and tradesmen relocated locally the professionals tended to move further afield. Reasons for this variation, such as the knowledge of opportunities and the level of openings within the local labour market, were put forward. Contemporary observers in Angus noticed that particular groups of the population were more likely to become rural-urban migrants during this time period :

Some mechanics, especially weavers, have removed to the trading boroughs of Dundee and Aberbrothock (Arbroath), where they meet with good encouragement from the manufacturing companies in these towns.^99

As this refers to the beginning of the modernisation period these people can 199 OSA Vol. XIII, Carmylie, p. 116.

be termed innovative migrants, moving to take up new opportunities in the towns.

The occupations of migrants in their new environment is important in order to understand the development of urban economies. For example, Moch (1983) calculates that in the French town of Nîmes in the nineteenth century, 85% of the resident servants were actually drawn from inmigrant groups. Thus in this case the lower level jobs were carried out by the newcomers. This is a salient point as the integration of migrants into the destination might be helped or hindered by the state of the urban economy. Furthermore, Turner (1983) in analysing the inmigration of textile workers to Accrington, finds that there were different motives for moving depending on the skill level of the migrant. The unskilled workers came from agricultural areas which were experiencing labour readjustments and so these people moved into the town to take up new occupations (designated innovative by Petersen's criteria). In contrast skilled textile employees arrived in Accrington from other textile areas and were attracted not by higher wages but by the need to preserve their jobs at a time of mechanisation. Therefore they were conservative inmigrants. It may be possible to detect similar patterns of inmigration to the towns of Angus during this time period, although much of the following information is for apprentices who may have been under different pressures and stimuli than other economically-motivated migrants.

The analysis of different trades and their members will provide us with yet another insight into inmigration to the towns of Angus during the study period, allowing common trends to be identified and individual features explained. Four trades are used : Forfar Tailors and the Dundee Bakers,

Hammermen and Guildry.200 Of these the Tailors and the Guildry only furnish small data sets and care must be taken in drawing any major conclusions from these sources. Within each trade there is a range of occupations. For example, the Dundee Hammerman Incorporation include the following crafts : blacksmith, goldsm ith, jeweller, clocksmith, watchmaker, gunsmith, swordslipper, cutler, ferrier, saddler, lorimer, founder, plumber, pewterer, coppersmith and white ironsmith (also known as tinplate worker). Additions were made to the range of occupations in this guild between 1780 and 1830, with the inclusion of coach-, cart- and plough- makers as well as engine- and machine-makers.

Whyte (1989a) observes that early-modern Scottish towns recruited new trades apprentices within regions unlike the more extensive patterns of England. However Patten (1976) also identifies regional inmigration for apprentices to East Anglian towns, especially to the smaller urban centres. The twenty-five entrants to the Forfar Tailor trade between 1780 and 1817 were all resident in other Angus parishes at the time they applied for admission. In contrast the same number who became Dundee Guild members in the years 1818-30 were not all from Angus, although 18 (72%) were. Most non-Angus migrants came from counties adjoining Angus itself

and thus an extended regional pattern did operate even for the G u i l d r y .^01

The Hammermen showed quite a different pattern with the majority coming from Perthshire or Fife rather than Angus. The more extensive recruitment area for this trade may be related to the high status of the trade

200ADA Z /1 /4 /2 /2 ; DDA GD/TD/B 1/2, TC 56/3; Miller Hendry W.S. Hammerman Incorporation Lockit Book.

20lThree (12%) came from Fife, two (8%) from Perthshire, one from Kincardineshire and one from South-West Scotland.

which might attract entrants over long distances or the fact that Dundee was the largest urban centre in all three counties. This can be investigated by examining the different sizes of trades' inmigration fields. Thus the majority of inmigrant apprentices were drawn from Eastern Scotland but not necessarily from the county of Angus,

Issues of localisation of recruitment are linked to the above analysis. Several studies highlight a drop in the proportion of inmigrants in the apprentice groups over time. Clark (1987) observes that after 1670 inmigrants fell below 50% of apprentices, whilst the high figure of over 70%

in Edinburgh dropped to 50% by 1 7 7 5-1 8 0 0 .2 0 2 Similarly Whyte and Whyte

(1986) find that levels of apprentices migrating to Aberdeen and Inverness declined by the early nineteenth century.

The evidence for the Angus trades is conflicting as the Forfar Tailors exhibited a low level of non-migrants taking up the trade (36% for period 1780-1817) and the Dundee Guildry only recruited 52% of its new members between 1818 and 1830 from the town itself. In Forfar this low figure was probably created by the practice of tailors' sons not being registered as apprentices. The Guildry had a wider appeal beyond the boundaries of the town and continued to attract inmigration from other areas. This was confirmed by evidence for the Hammermen. Though the number of Dundonians becoming members increased, the overall levels were similarly low, rising from 35.7% (10 of a sample of 28) before 1800 to 45.5% (15 out of 33) by the early nineteenth century. We must add a note of caution here as all these samples are numerically small and thus the true picture may be distorted. Many resident craftsmen may have avoided paying dues during 202 Lovett, Whyte and Whyte (1985).

this period of expansion particularly as the control of the trades was declining.

Using the larger data sample of the Dundee Bakers a different pattern of recruitment is revealed (see Figure 4.3.8)

100 90 80 70 - 60 - 50; 40 - 30 20 101 0 c O) T3

1

Figure 4.3.8 Changes in recruitment to the Dundee Baker Incorporation over time

The Dundee Bakers recruited increasingly from Dundee unlike the others who continued to enrol at least 40% of their new entrants from source areas outwith the burgh. Though the Hammermen increased their share of Dundonians it was not such a substantial rise as the Bakers recruitment pattern.

Even in the earlier time period over half of new recruits to the Bakers were from within the confines of the town and suburbs. This level rose to a very high figure with over 80% of new bakers in the town coming from a Dundee family. A brief examination of the socio-economic backgrounds throws up some clues towards an explanation of such localisation of

recruitment Between 1780-99 (n=57) almost 20% (11) were sons of farmers and only 14% (8) were bakers' sons. By 1800-30 period (n=101) this composition had changed, with a decline in new bakers from agriculture^O^ but a noticeable rise in those from weaving backgrounds (16.8% or 18). This may indicate upward mobility by these youths or the dominance of the weaving industry in the Dundee economy. It is also an index of the weavers' wealth during this period as the entrance fees for unfree apprentices were particularly steep for the Baker Trade. Alternatively, the decline of handloom weaving from the 1820s may have prompted some families to look for other avenues of income. The localisation of recruitment is associated with the number of willing families in the town of Dundee prepared to fund their sons through their training.

Many studies have also identified a contraction in the inmigration fields of apprentices.204 Wareing (1981) links the decline in the inmigration field of London to the new openings developing in the North of England in the late

seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries. Thus intervening

opportunities in earlier source areas can change the geographical extent of inmigration to towns.

The paucity of information for the Angus trades over the entire time period precluded full analysis of changes in inmigration fields although it was possible to examine the Dundee Bakers and Hammermen, splitting the time period before and after the year 1800. The main difficulty surrounds the inclusion of long-distance migrants which can distort the mean distances. 203 Houston (1981) finds an increase in Edinburgh apprentices from farming backgrounds between 1583-1755 but this pattern may have altered thereafter. 204 Studies by Houston (1981) and Lovett, Whyte and Whyte (1985) are two such examples.

These are numerically small but the much greater distances they travelled leads to quite different results for comparison. To allow for this both figures are included for analysis (see Figure 4.3.9).

50 - ? 40- 00 c 30- (Q 20 - 1 0-

Bakers 2 Hammermen Hammermen 2