The linguistic situation within the different market spaces was different to the one in the bigger shops, small businesses and offices addressed above. The nature of work and employment at the market was rather marked by its informal character, as formal education was not an important factor and the communicative practices less influenced by the internal power relations of the work place. Many, if not most people working in these spaces were self-employed or worked for family members. The origin of the products and the ethnic background of the vendors varied significantly between vendors. While most foods were produced and sold locally, other products were imported either from other parts of Uganda, or from neighbouring countries like South Sudan or Kenya and therefore required contacts and specific knowledge that exceeded the local sphere.
The informal nature of these markets, as well as the often simple set up of a business allowed for an easy entry and gave room for people from various backgrounds to participate. This was not only apparent in the informal small markets that set up on the sidewalks and curbs in town every evening but also on other markets in Gulu. This mix of locally produced goods and items imported from other places, along with the different types of competences required for the various businesses, created a highly diverse and complex setting.
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The other part of the market-equation, the visitors of the markets, were no less diverse. Unfortunately, it was very difficult to assess the ethnic and linguistic diversity of people in Gulu due to the lack official data regarding the ethnic composition. Further, not all people visiting the markets came from within town, but due to its function as a regional centre for business and trade it also attracted many from outside. Some would move there for a short period of time, while others came only for some hours or a single day. It nonetheless can be assumed that the markets were spaces where socio-economic, ethnic and linguistic diversity was highly tangible and interethnic communication a common occurrence.
Unlike the results for language use in businesses, which showed great similarities between the data collected by Rosendal (2010) and the data collected by this study, the market was a context that revealed some differences. Here, Rosendal (2010) took on the perspective of the vendors, asking them what languages they would use in the market when interacting with customers. Table 19. Ranking of languages used at markets in Gulu (Rosendal, 2010, p. 207).
Ach/L Ach/L > s Ach/L > e Ach/L > s > e Ach/L > g Ach/L > e > g Other combinations 127 23 21 8 4 3 16 62.9% 11.4% 10.4% 3.9% 2.0% 1.5% 7.9%
Ach/L = Acholi and Lwo; s = Swahili; e = English; g = Luganda
The responses showed almost two thirds of the salespersons using Acholi as their only medium of communication with their customers. Kiswahili and English were listed only occasionally, and Luganda received little recognition.
This study on the other hand focussed on the people who attended the market as potential customer. Thus, the respondents were asked to name the language they would use when attending the market:
Table 20. Languages used at the market (n=38). Acholi. Acholi. + English Acholi + English + Luganda Acholi + English + Luo/Langi Acholi + English + Kiswahili Other combinations 21.1% 47.4% 7.9% 7.9% 5.3% 10.5%
Even though the answers also demonstrated the overwhelming importance of Acholi for communicating on the markets in Gulu, it at the same time showed a strong presence of English as one of the languages used by participants in this context.
92 Differences underneath the surface
There was an issue that both the data presented by Rosendahl (2010) and the data collected for this study were incapable of capturing; the differences in language use between the individual market spaces of the city. For instance, between the main market and a local neighbourhood market in one of the sub-divisions. The different functions of these markets and the different kinds of spaces they occupied within the urban geography had a significant influence on the interactions taking place there. Consequently, the dynamics of interaction and the linguistic choices varied between each of those marketplaces as well.
The main market with its comparably high fees, bigger stalls and many shops housed many businesses that operated on a regional level and attracted customers that matched this supply. Thus, you were here most likely to find Dinka traders coming from South Sudan or shops selling electronics usually owned by members of the Ugandan-Indian minority. It was also the place where it was most likely to find international visitors, not only from neighbouring countries, but also from Europe, the USA or Asia. Thus, English or Kiswahili were more likely to be used in this place and knowing these languages was an important asset for a business. Exemplifying the sophistication of this market was the fact that this was also the place to find art-work, usually directed at tourists or western customers.
This image looked rather different on the second large market of Gulu. This market called Cereleno was situated right next to the main road leading towards Kampala. Traders here offered also clothing items or small electronics like portable radios or flashlights, but it was mainly known for vendors selling food. Nonetheless, it also was a space for interethnic and multilingual interaction.
Back with Mark
The area this market was situated in was also the place where many migrants from the central and southern regions of Uganda resided, also signified by the night club “Buganda Pub” nearby. Thus, it was the place where it was most likely to find both vendors and customers from these regions frequenting the market; making the sound of languages besides Acholi a common feature. Cereleno was the place where Mark had put up his small business. Right at the corner of Kampala Road and Ring Road he had rented a small square on the ground where he sold second hand shoes for women. He bought all the stock in Kampala at the central market in downtown and brought it up to Gulu with one of the many busses that went between Gulu and
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the capital every day. His biggest asset to the business, his linguistic repertoire.
Earlier I had presented Mark as an example for the tumultuous biographies of many Acholi from this region, having spent time in the village, in Gulu, in Jinja and Kenya during his upbringing. The language skills he had acquired during this time became now invaluable. His knowledge of Luganda came very much in hand when he bought stock for his business at the Owino market in Kampala, as the sellers could not discuss the prices among each other without him knowing what they were saying. He told me that the vendors at Owino market called him a “Sudanese”, because of his tall, slender stature, and his dark skin, and assumed he had lots of money and would sell his stock in the South Sudan where prices were generally a lot higher than anywhere in Uganda. Because of that, they would demand higher prices from him, double or triple the normal rate for someone from Kampala. Thus, he would speak in Luganda with them, showing that he was in fact a Ugandan and that he could understand what they were saying about him. To him, this ability to speak Luganda was a key to the success of his business. He often managed to negotiate lower rates for his stock than most of his competitors and even though local customs for the most part prevented him from using this to undercut the prices of his competitors, it enabled him to faster grow his business and increase his profits. His language skills also proved to be of value when dealing with customers in Gulu. While quantitative approaches struggle to properly represent the diversity of the populace, the market offered a tremendous insight into the multitude of ethnic groups and languages. During my time in Gulu, I frequently visited this market and joined Mark, his cousin who worked for him and his fellow vendors who spent seven days a week here from morning till evening. The people working here formed a community despite being competitors. One would find multiple people selling the same articles and products right next to one another. This was no different for the shoes that Mark was selling. In fact, five different vendors offered their goods in a space of just 30 m², often competing for the same customers.
Besides Mark there was Ben, a young Acholi just twenty years old and an elder that everyone only called Muzee; both specialised in sandals of all sorts. Right next to them were those selling clothes. For instance, two sisters who came from central Uganda and Judy, an Acholi lady in her thirties. The women were often joined by their small children that were yet too young to attend school. To protect from the sun, especially during midday and in the afternoon, they had erected a parasol where they would take turns hiding underneath. It was this group of people that I joined to observe interactions and conversations on this market. This enabled me to observe in which ways they used language as a tool for their businesses. Among the things observed was how Mark made of his linguistic capabilities to speak to his customers in Acholi,
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English, Kiswahili and even Luganda, giving him a distinct edge over his competition. Some customers came to him specifically, including many Baganda women who would even make orders with him for shoes he should bring from his next trip to Kampala. However, due to the community aspect of the market he would also refer customers to one of the other vendors in case he did not have what they were looking for, even helping them with translating. In some cases, a lack in language skills also became an issue for some of the other vendors. The most glaring example happened during one of my last visits to the market, when one of the vendors had let a young boy from Kampala run his business for the day. The boy, not older than eighteen years, barely spoke any English or Acholi and struggled to communicate with potential customers. The others tried to help him as good as possible, but many customers just went to one of the other stands. However, even worse was when he failed to tell the customers the correct price for the article they wanted to buy. Instead of selling it for the proper amount of 10,000 UGX, about three euros, he had agreed to a price of just one thousand, creating a loss he had to cover out of his own pocket. In this multilingual environment miscommunications happened regularly and people working here were aware of this problem. In the case of the young boy this meant that following this event, the others started teaching him the English numbers.
On a very local scale all divisions of towns and many neighbourhoods had their own small markets, sometimes just a hundred square meters big, featuring small stalls where vendors offered mostly food items for the daily needs of the people living close by. The conditions and characteristics of these small and simple markets, including the languages found and needed here, were determined by their respective neighbourhoods. In most cases, this meant that communication was generally in Acholi and the vendors were usually not required to possess additional language skills. This opened these markets up for people with no or just very little formal education or language competences beyond Acholi; in many cases women that grew their products on their own land. The small reach and limited customer base also meant that the turnover for each seller was rather small, making these markets comparably unattractive. Some of the local markets were in ethnically more diverse neighbourhoods, creating a more diverse ecology that extended to the languages regularly spoken there. The area around Gulu Independent Hospital for instance was known for the relatively high number of immigrants from the DR Congo, many of whom did not speak Acholi. Thus, the market adapted to its surroundings by vendors beginning to speak at least some Kiswahili.
On another one of these small markets, Chris was selling rolex. He had lived for some years in Kampala and learned how to make the popular street food made of combining Chapati and Omelette which originated from there. Since coming back, he had opened his own stand at the
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corner of a small market near the Bomah Hotel. As this was a very small market the customers generally came from the immediate neighbourhood. Most of them were ethnic Acholi living in one of the small houses and huts in the area behind the market. However, across the street was a large apartment building offering rooms to students from the university. Because most students living there were not ethnic Acholi, only few could speak the local language. For Chris, this became an important advantage. Being the only one speaking also Luganda and Kiswahili, he became the preferred choice for many of those students from across the street.
Stories like these demonstrated the differences between individual market places and how individual people could utilise their personal linguistic capabilities to their benefit within the specific conditions of those individual markets. It furthers shows that it is highly important to consider and analyse the local conditions and environments that facilitate linguistic choices and carry highly tangible consequences. In these interactions that are typical for the market place, but also for businesses of all shapes and sizes, language was a crucial tool to the successful outcomes of these interactions. However, it must be noted that because these market places were generally inhabited seven days a week from morning till evening, they also offered space for interactions and linguistic practices unrelated to trade. These interactions, which included various forms of conversations between family members, friends and colleagues, further added to their highly diverse and creative character.