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How then, is hegemonic feminism constructed by self-identified feminists in a Swedish context?

The feminism that is hegemonic across the discourses is constructed in relation to the struggles of male structural power, which in turn restrict women’s lives. In line with the previous research of Calder-Dawe and Gavey (2016), where feminism was constructed in a dually divided Jekyll and Hyde-manner, the feminism within the scope of this thesis is divided in two different discourses. Whether it is about living without restricting expectations (as a person, mother, feminist, women), or being physically and mentally safe, there are coexisting discourses to counter men and empower women. Also, by describing men’s latitude as non-desirable and men as both a problem and solution, men are articulated as the most important struggle in relation to which the hegemonic feminism is constructed.

Glancing at the people who are represented within the material, and hence construct the hegemonic feminism, their backgrounds are quite homogeneous. This does not necessarily mean that they exclude perspectives to which they cannot relate, but I argue that they do. In the previous research I promised to recouple with Griffin and explain why privileged women indicate how feminism is constructed. Skäringer and Mannheimer, being hostesses of one of Sweden’s biggest podcasts, are indeed agenda-setters. The sisterhood debate, which reached higher publicity than the feminist debate of appearance, started with Mia Skäringer and Isabella Löwengrip.

Both of whom enjoy a considerable social capital. Also, both of the debates were made public by Lady Dahmer and Wallin. All coming from privileged circumstances, they express themselves from their own point of views.

Consequently, the hegemonic feminism does not treat racist structures, cisgender¹³ privileges or any oppressions but the male. Sisterhood, for example, entails the protection of other sisters, but the only articulated threats are patriarchy and men – not racists, homophobes, or transphobes. I acknowledge that my choice of turning to the sisterhood debate further polarized the non-inclusiveness and since the sisterhood debate discusses women, its heteronormative expression might not come as a surprise. However, both of the identified discourses are based in this heteronormative gender binary.

Concerning the sisterhood debate, it is essentially antagonistic since the discourse circles around a struggle on the meaning of sisterhood. Despite the figurative nature, the word "sisterhood" is excluding per se and hence, inherently political. The

13 I did not want to footnote cis, since I think the definition should be common knowledge. However, I do take my role as a popular educator fairly seriously: cis is the opposite of trans (now google it)

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possible identities within the sisterhood discourse are female siblings, sisters, why the discourse is limited to those who are able to identify as sisters¹⁴.

With the risk of coming out as too critical, I must discuss the fact the hegemonic feminism is inherently defined by the excluded possible meanings and interpretations. Not talking about racism makes it a white feminism; not talking about class makes it a feminism that does not acknowledge socio-economic oppression; not talking about ableism¹⁵ makes it a feminism that excludes disabilities; not talking about transphobia makes it a cis-normative feminism that lacks a non-binary perspective. Wold and Witt-Brattström argue that the feminism of today is too wide and shattered, but the feminism that is represented within the material seems to go hand-in-hand with the feminism they call for. Apart from a comment in the Facebook group, an intersectional perspective was neither mentioned nor articulated within the material.

In summary, the hegemonic feminism constructed by self-identified feminists in a Swedish context is heteronormative and does not take into account minorities. It is constructed by contrasting the problem of men and the restriction of women, and by negotiating its own meaning. The analysis has shown how self-identified feminists construct feminism from their own perspectives, yet how they, as women, fight and care for other women simply because they are women.

As previously stated, the longer a hegemony lasts, the more successful it is.

Although the representation of feminism and its struggles have changed over time, it still constructs a normative movement. The level of success of the hegemonic feminism is none in which I intend to prophesy, but considering its relative cementation over time, I would be surprised to see any major disruptions.

This thesis contributes to the understanding of how feminism is constructed and thereby how feminists are represented. Turning to discourse theory has helped me identify the feminism that is hegemonic across the discourses. WPR gave me tools to structure the material, which I approached and systematized using the questions suggested in the strategy of analysis. Also, it helped deepen my understanding of the construction of feminism by suggesting the genealogy.

Unlike the methods prevailing the previous research on the construction of feminism, I chose not to focus on interviews. Alike the study of Calder-Dawe and Gavey, which I have referred to repeatedly throughout this study, I would suggest further research to focus on the construction of feminism in Sweden through conducting group interviews. This could, then provide an understanding of how self-identified feminists articulate their feminism. Also, if one chooses to build on the other previous research, where non-feminists constructed feminism, one might study the differences within a Swedish context.

14 As opposed to siblinghood, which serves to include trans and non-binary people (Scott Duane, 2014)

15 Ableism = “Discrimination in favour of able-bodied people” (Oxford Dictionaries, 2017)

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Moreover, the feminism of today is perceived to be in opposition with second wave feminism. This clash between second wave feminists and feminists of today, would be interesting to examine further, especially considering the fact that this thesis did was not able to confirm this perceived disjunction.

Building on the construction of feminism, and in line with what Mendes (2015b) suggests, more research on social media in relation to activism is needed and one might also consider an ethnographic study on how feminist activists construct feminism through their activism. Also, the possibilities to study the #metoo campaign are seemingly endless, yet in relation to this thesis I wonder how the campaign might have affected the perception of feminism in Sweden and self-identified feminist’s possibilities to construct their feminism.

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