Before Thrace became a Roman client state in 12/11 BC and subsequently a procuratorial province in AD 45/6, this country had had a long and challenging history. It become the focus of interest with the first Odrysian kings Teres I and Sitalces, who ruled as early as the 460-440 BC over the Thracian land.1 The Thracians inhabited the eastern Balkans, and more precisely the area from Macedonia on the Aegean coast to the Black sea and the Carpathians and south Russia steppes, for nearly two thousand years.2 Despite their wide geographical expansion and tribal variety3, they shared a common language4, culture and behaviour from the Early Iron Age until Late Antiquity (arrival of Slavs in the 6th – 7th centuries AD), as illustrated both by the
ancient written sources and abundant archaeological evidence.5
Subsequently, from the time of Claudius, as an internal unarmed province (provincia inermis)6 of the Roman Empire, Thracia linked the western Balkans with Asia Minor and further East. In fact, Thrace, as a vibrant bridge between West and East, constantly integrated people, cultures, and due to its strategic geographic location the land become a territory prone to frequent turbulence, invasions and
*
Compare also Appendix 3: Chronology: Principal Dates.
1
/ Fol 1972; Archibald 1998, 93-120; Webber 2001, 5.
2
Fol 1971, 3-18; / Fol 1972; Archibald 1998, 5-6.
3
On the Thracian tribes, see – / Fol – Spiridonov 1983 and Archibald 1998, 107-12, and map on 108.
4
Detschew 1957 (19772); а / Duridanov 1976; / Georgiev 1977.
5
See Fol – Marazov 1977, 131-3; Ancient Gold (1998), 18; most recently reviews in Webber 2011, pp. xii-xix and Theodossiev 2011, 9-10 ff.
6
exchange of populations. Moreover, the state/ political formations proved to be often unstable and were frequently threatened by foreign attacks and regional instability. As the historical discourse advances further into the Late Hellenistic and Roman eras, the Thracian territory experienced more and more foreign intrusions, political and financial influence, and direct military occupation by the great powers of the time.
The present comprehensive review7 on Thracian history in Late Hellenistic and early Roman period shows some very important features:
how deep the political reality in Thrace was influenced by Macedonia under the last kings, and also after it was transformed into a Roman province in 146 BC.
how difficult it was for the Romans to maintain peace and stability on the northern frontiers of Macedonia for the entire period ca. 135 - ca. 80/70 BC. how quickly Odrysian Thrace and its princes become more and more
dependant on the Roman Republic and its protagonists from the 60’s – 30’s
BC.
how limited was the control and extent of the Odrysian/Sapaean kingdom in the internal southeast and coastal regions of Thrace.
3.2. Early encounters between Rome and Thrace, ca. 210–171 BC
A number of events greatly influenced and played a role in transformation of the Thracian area from an independent socio-political unit into a Roman province with all its benefits and duties.
As early as 229 BC the Romans established their first naval bases in the
western Balkans and entered the region. With the First Illyrian war they seized the Greek city of Epidamnos on Illyrian coast (modern-day Durrës) and re-founded it as Dyrrhachium (Paus. 6.10.8)8. The nearby city of Apollonia also fell in Roman hands in 228 BC. As a result, both Adriatic cities concluded an alliance with the Republic and
become bases for all subsequent Roman operations in the Balkan interior.
7
Compared for instance with a very short accounts of this period in Šopova, in Der Thraker…(2004), 309-13; Rankov, in Oxford Encyclopedia of Ancient Greece and Rome 1 (2010), 355-7.
8
In the last decade of the 3rd century BC king Philip V (221-179)9, the powerful
ruler of Macedonia, extended his territories and entered in Illyria, Thrace and Thessaly. South and coastal Thrace from Nestos as far as Aenos and the Thracian Chersonese was integrated into ancient Macedonia.10
Fig. 3.1. Map of Macedonia and southern Balkans, ca. 200 BC (source Wikipedia).
From the time of Philip V and Perseus there had been constant friction and uncertainty in southwestern Thrace. In 211 BC Philip attacked Maedica, a tribal area
in southwestern Thrace (probably located between the Kresna-Simitli river gorge and down to Sandanski) and seized their capital of Iamphorynna11 /or Цьспхннб in Polybios12/ (unlocalised, perhaps around modern Gradeshnitsa near Sandanski).13 But four years later, in 207 BC, the Maedi again threatened Macedonia (Polyb.
9
See Walbank 1940; Hammond – Walbank 1988, 205-216ff; Eckstein 2010, 229-31.
10
Walbank 1940, 108-37; Hatzopoulos 1983, 83.
11
Livy 26.25.7-8, 25.15; discussion in Walbank 1940, 86; Detschew 1977, 213; Walbank 1980, 15 ff.; Hatzopoulos 1983, 82.
12
Polybios, 9.45.3.
13
10.41.4; Livy 28.5.7). In fact, Maedica was not subjugated by the Macedonian king before 204 BC (Polyb. 9.45.3; 10.41; Livy 26.25.6-16)14.
Fig. 3.2. Portrait tetradrachm of king Philip V, ca. 212 BC, 16.96g. Photo after Baldwin’s Auctions, the
New York sale 27, (4 Jan. 2012), no. 316.
Meanwhile, Philip V of Macedon had lost the Second Macedonian War after his forces were decisively defeated by the Romans at the battle at Cynoskephalae in Thessaly in June 197 BC. In 196 BC at the Isthmian games in Corinth the victorious
Roman general T. Quinctius Flamininus proclaimed freedom to the Greek states and cities (Plut. Flamininus 12-16).15 The Greeks hailed him as liberator and struck a rare series of gold coins for him (fig. 3.3). As a result, Philip was forbidden to interfere with any affairs outside the Macedonian borders, a condition he adhered to for the rest of his life. In 194 BC Rome declared Greece free, and withdrew completely to the east of
Adriatic.
Fig. 3.3. Gold stater (8.44g) of T. Quinctius Flamininus, Chalkis?, ca. 196 BC. British Museum,
London, acq.no. 1954,1009.1. ©Trustees of the British Museum.
In the vacuum which followed Rome’s withdrawal, in 196-5 BC king Antiochus III of Syria crossed Propontis and captured the Thracian Chersonese and territories of southern Thrace – an area previously controlled by Philip V (App. Syr. 6; Polyen. 18.51.7)16. Partly through battles, partly through negotiations, Antiochus concluded state treaties with Byzantium (App. Syr. 6), with Perinthus (Sayar 1998, 74 and 187- 8, no. 3) and with Apollonia (IGBulg I2, 388). The nearby cities of Bisanthe and
14
Discussion in Walbank 1940, 86-7; Papazoglou 1978, 152-3; Hatzopoulos 1983, 82.
15
Eckstein 2010, 236-7.
16
Selymbria also remined under the influence of Antiochus III.17 As a result, southern and southeastern Thrace fell for a short time under Seleucid control.
The earliest evidence of direct Roman interaction with Thrace, however, dates to 188 BC (Flor. Epit. Bell. Omn. 1.39.20). Then the Roman consul Cn. Manlius Vulso
on his return after a successful campaign in Asia Minor, was attacked and defeated by a large army of Thracians when crossing the area. The unexpected events happened in southern Thrace, between Aenos and Maroneia on the route of the future via Egnatia (Livy 38.40-41; App. Syr. 43). The army of Manlius Vulso was carrying “carts loaded with public money and other valuable booty” and was attacked in difficult terrain in the southern Rhodopes. The Romans were surprised when passing a narrow defile by a combined ten thousand army of four tribes – the Astae, the Caenoi, the Maduatenoi(?) and the Koreloi, who blocked the road at the narrowest point (Livy 38.40. 5-7). The Romans suffered heavy losses, including the death of Quintus Minucius Thermus (cos 193 BC) and the cost of the large sums in
cash and booty from Asia (App. Syr. 43 – “Ü þ ó ô\ò ô Я ò p ô™ η óЯω ÷ñη ôω p †ô ‡ óôñ ô ‡”), which the Thracians took away. This event was the beginning of a long list of conflicts and hostilities between the southern Thracian tribes and the Republic. As we shall see, the area was not completely stabilised over the next one hundred and fifty years, until the time of Augustus.
On the other hand, the very same year saw the signing of the Peace of Apamea (Polyb. 21.42; App. Syr. 39) between the Roman Republic and king Antiochus III the Great, ending a four years conflict and marking the end of the Seleucid interests in Europe and Asia Minor. As a result, the Macedonian king was compensated with a significant expansion of his share, most importantly the city and port of Demetrias (∆η η ) on the Aegean (Eckstein 2010, 238-9). According to the treaty of Apamea, the Thracian Chersonese18 was awarded to the Rome’s loyal ally Eumenes II of Pergamum (197–159 BC). Pergamene influence and perhaps a direct presence
is apparent in the coastal areas of southern Thrace – in Panidon (near Rhodosto, present-day Tekirdağ)19 and in Perinthus, and is documented with a number of
17
Grainger 1996, 338; Sayar 1998, 188; Grainger 2002.
18
Loukopoulou 1987, 63 and 67-8, note 28.
19
At least five honorific inscriptions from Panion/Panidon (mod. Barbaros): two for Attalus I Soter and three referring to Eumenes II (197–159 BC), who was honoured as ‘city-founder’, see G. Seure, “Inscriptions de Thrace”, BCH 24 (1900), 165-6 and Loukopoulou 1987, 67-8, notes 28-29.
inscriptions.20 Later, in 146/5 BC, Attalus II sent a Pergamene army to overthrow Diegylis, the king of Caeni, who, acting in alliance with king Prusias II of Bithynia, was constantly harassing the Greek cities in Thracian Chersonese, including Lysimachia (App. Mithr. 6; Diod. 33.14-15; Strabo 13. 4.2)21. The campaign was led by the Pergamene general Strato, who is mentioned as “ α η η Χ ο ου α ™
α η Θ η π ” in the Sestos inscription.22
He defeated Diegylis and subjugated his Caenian kingdom, an important part of which would appear to have been annexed to Pergamum’s possessions, forming the famous “European bridgehead” and agri Attalici in Chersonese (Cic. Leg. Agr. 2.50).23
In fact, the last Macedonian kings refused to acknowledge this new arrangement of the Apamea peace. Philip V was angry about the Roman decision, and when he withdrew his forces from the important cities of Aenos and Maronea on the Thracian coast in 184 BC (in fact he had seized them in violation of Apamea
peace (they had been declared free), he initiated a massacre in Maronea. Philip V and Perseus employed every means – as far as the situation in the last years of their kingdom permitted – to restore their influence in southeastern Thrace.24 For instance, in 174 BC Perseus rushed to provide support to Byzantium, which was threatened by
Thracian invaders.25
A few years after Apamea, Philip V led another march into Thrace, with the Romans being fully indifferent to his actions. In the summer of 184 BC he moved through central Thrace ( @ óηò ô\ò ΘсK ηò) and invaded the lands of the Odrysians, Bessi and Dantheletae (Walbank 1940, 235-7; Hatzopoulos 1983, 85; Hammond – Walbank 1988, 468). Philip defeated the Thracians and captured their leader Amadokos (Polyb. 22.14.12; Livy 39.35.4). In 183 he left a Macedonian garrison in Philippopolis, which was soon repelled by the Odrysian king (Polyb. 23.8.6-7). Then he ravaged the western part of the Thracian plain, and shrink the Bessi and Dantheletae (Hammond – Walbank 1988, 468-9). The main tribes went under his control and one of Philip’s daughters was given in marriage to king Teres by the Odrysians (Diod. 32.15.5; Polyb. 23.8.4-7; Livy 39.53.12-14)
20
Sayar 1998, 74.
21
Discussion in Danov 1979, 102-3; Walbank 1980, 15; Loukopoulou 1987, 68-9; Kallet-Marx 1995, 38.
22
Dittenberger 1903, OGIS, 330; Walbank 1980, 15; Loukopoulou 1987, 69-70, n.40.
23
Loukopoulou 1987, 70.
24
Loukopoulou 1987, 63.
25
In 181 BC the Macedonian king Philip V assembled his army at Stobi in Paeonia
and invaded the lands of the Maedi (Livy 40.21-22). Then he undertook his famous ascent of “Haemus”26 (probably in this case Pirin or Rila mountain) – “in verticem
Haemi montis ascendendi” (Livy 40.21.2)27. After five days he returned and Philip and his men marched into the lands of Dentheletae (Dansaletae). Because of a lack of provisions, the Macedonian army plundered a few Thracian villages, though they were nominally Philip’s allies (Livy 40. 22. 9-10). Next, carrying a supply of corn and returning to Maedica, he made an attempt on a city called Petra (“…urbem, quam
Petram appellant”).28 There he had encamped and sent his son Perseus with a small detachment to approach the place from higher ground – the Thracian city soon surrendered (Livy 40. 22.13-14).
In this period Philip had opened new gold and silver mines in the mount Pangaeum (Livy 39.24.229) near Philippi. Philip V died suddenly at Amphipolis in the summer of 179 BC, after 42 years on the throne (Livy 40.56.8-10). He was succeeded
by his eldest son Perseus, who was the last ruler of Macedonia. The Senate of Rome immediately renewed its friendship (amicitia) with the new ruler (Livy 40.58.9)30.
In 179 BC Perseus deposed certain Abrupolis ( ουπ ), a Thracian prince of the Sapeians (Livy 42.13.5; 42.41.10-12; Diodor. 19.33; Appian. 9.11.2)31, who was friendly with the Romans, but dared to seize the important Pangaeum mining area during the change of power in Macedonia. This episode was later used by the Romans as a pretext for conflict. Meanwhile, Perseus became popular among the Greeks for the moderate character of his rule (Polyb. 25.3.1–8), and he impressed them with his military victories. With a series of successful marriages, he repaired relations with the Seleucids (married Laodike, daughter of King Seleucus IV Ceraunos) and improved Macedonian relations with Rhodes and Aetolia, as well as with the Thessalians (former subjects of his father), and struck a military alliance with the Boeotians. Even the Greek states in the Aegean and western Asia Minor become well disposed towards Perseus (Livy 42.12.1 and 14.5)32. In summary, between 179
26
Thus, he initiated the history of the ancient mountaineering.
27
Details in Hammond – Walbank 1988, 469.
28
Perhaps identical with Iamphorynna(?), discussion in М / Mitrev 2012, 184-6, the localization of Petra in Gradeshnitsa – ibidem, at 189-90.
29
Cf. also Hammond – Walbank 1988, 460-4; Eckstein 2010, 239.
30
For the episode cf. Eckstein 2010, 240, n.72.
31
Discussion in Sherk 1969, 15-17; а а / Tacheva 1987, 55; Eckstein 2010, 240.
32
and 173 Perseus engineered a great expansion of the Macedonian wealth, power and influence. Macedonia re-emerged as the main competitor to Rome in Greece and the Aegean (Appian 9.11.1–3)33. But since 188 BC Rome has shown little interest
in the Greek affairs.
Fig. 3.4. Portrait tetradrachm of king Perseus V, ca. 174-173 BC, 16.85g. Photo after Triton VIII (11
January 2005), no. 199.
Another ancient people emerged from obscurity right in this time. The
Bastarnae ( α α )34 were a tribe of Celtic (Livy 39.35.4; 40.57.2–9; 40.58.1–9;
Plut. Aem. 12-13; Pseudo-Scymn. Perieg. 796-7) or Germanic origin (Strab. 7.3.2; Plin. NH 4.25.81; Tac. Germ. 46), living north of the lower Danube (in Moldova/Bessarabia?). King Perseus employed the Bastarnae on Macedonia’s northwest frontier (Hammond – Walbank 1988, 469-70; 495-6). They were first invited in 182 BC by his father Philip to help him against the old Macedonian bitter enemies – the Dardanians (inhabited the region of South Serbia/Kosovo/ Skopje). He planed to settle the Bastarnae families in Dardania and permanently secure the region (Livy 40.57). In fact, Philip V promised to secure their passing in Thrace, bribing the local chieftains and supplying them with provisions (Livy 40.57.4). In 179 BC the Bastarnae columns (probably ca. 60,000 men) made their way through inner Thrace (via Mesambria and Apollonia area) in bad weather conditions and without sufficient supplies. At this point they learned about the death of Philip V (Livy 40.58, 1-4). Being attacked by the local Thracians and pillaged their villages for provisions and food, they decided to split their forces. About 30,000 men, led by Clondicus, succeeded in reaching Dardania (Polyb. 26.9. Liv. 41.19.23; Oros. 4.20, 34; Wilkes 1992, 151-2); the rest of the host retraced their steps and made their way home (Livy 40.58.8). Perseus deployed his Bastarnae guests in winter quarters in a valley (along
33
Discussion in Eckstein 2010, 241.
34
Cf. Bastarnae in RE III.1 (Stuttgart 1897), cols. 110-113; Patsch 1932, 11-12; Mócsy 1974, 10-11; Papazoglou 1978; von Bredow – Tokhtasj’ev, in DNP II (1997), 487, s.v. Bastarnae; Šašel Kos 2005, 498; recently Petkov 2012, 235-45.
Axios/Vardar?) in Dardania, presumably as a prelude to a campaign against the Dardanians the following summer (Livy 41.19, 4-6), though Perseus denied this to the Roman ambassadors. But in the depths of winter their camp was attacked by the Dardanians. The Bastarnae, who helped by their Thracian neighbours and the Scordisci (Livy 41.19, 7-8), easily repulsed the attackers, chased them back to their main town, and besieged them. But they were surprised in the rear by a second detachment of the Dardanians which had approached their camp quickly by mountain paths and proceeded to storm and seize the camp (Livy 41.19.10-11).
In 168 BC the same Clondicus was once again ready to assist to Perseus with
20,000 men against the Romans, but the Bastarnae were lost to him through his stinginess (Livy 44.26.2-6; Diod. 30.24. Plut. Aem. Paul. 9.12.13; Appian. Maked. 18).35