DISPOSICIONES TRANSITORIAS Primera

From the histories of the associations discussed, one pattern that is com- mon to the majority is that they had existed and carried out activities before becoming legally recognised institutions. Presently, the majority of the associations interviewed possess legal constitutional statuses pub- lished in the Diário da República (DR)21 where their ambit of activities and areas of intervention are outlined. The legal nature of the majority of the legally constituted organisations falls under the orienting guide- lines of the Legal Regime of Immigrant Associations. Constitutionally, the majority of the associations possess similarly defined general objec- tives including protecting the rights and interests of immigrants, contri- buting towards integration and community well-being, and promoting cultural expressions and exchanges.22Specific objectives are outlined in the case of associations with specific goals or target populations. Although the majority of associations are legally constituted as non-prof- it organisations, independent of government, political party, ideology or religious faith, there are a few exceptions (religious associations, political party nuclei).

As Table 6.2 points out, 96 per cent of the Angolan associations, 83 per cent of the Brazilian and all of the Eastern European organisations are constitutionally recognised. Concerning the Angolan and Brazilian organisations with no legal recognition, while the Brazilian movements Associação Carinho Brasileiro and Grupo Brasil were in the process of formulating a legal constitution at the time of the interviews, the Brazi- lian organisation Torcida Brasil and the Angolan association ANGO- CORO expressed the view that there was no need for legal frameworks, given that the organisation was internet-based, in the case of the former, and that legal recognition was not of primary importance in order for the association to carry out its initiatives, in the case of the latter.

In relation to the legal recognition of the associations under the ACIME framework, as also highlighted in Table 6.2, half of the Angolan associations possess this status, as do 43 per cent of the Eastern Euro- pean organisations, and 22 per cent of the Brazilian associations. Addi- tionally, two Angolan associations (Associação Apoio Sem Limites, Asso- ciação Luso-Africana dos Metodistas no Porto), one Brazilian (Associação Pineal– Associação de Assistência Social) and one Eastern European (Associação Tavirense de Apoio ao Imigrante) pointed out their positions as an IPSS, with one Angolan (PROSAUDESC) and two Eastern European (Casa do Leste– Associação de Solidaridade Social and Associação Apoio ao Imigrante – São Bernardo) waiting to be granted this status. Lastly, two Angolan associations reported being recognised

NGOs (Casa de Angola de Coimbra and Associação Tratado de Simulam- buco– Casa de Cabinda).

In order to ascertain the size of the associations interviewed, represen- tatives were asked to estimate total membership.23In grouping the asso- ciations according to membership composition, I employ the member- ship size criterion used to define the territorial ambit of immigrant associations according to ACIME.24An association must have a mini- mum of 100 members in order to be registered as a local association, 500 to be recognised as a regional association and 1,000 to be recog- nised as a national association.

Figure 6.1 shows that most associations have 100 to 499 members, implying that the majority are to be considered local organisations. Also noteworthy is the fact that one association from each of the three groups reported not having a membership base as of yet, due to the embryonic stage they find themselves at (Associação N’Angola, Grupo Brasil and Associação Casa da Língua e Cultura Russas). Additionally, in the cases of Associação ANGOCORO, Federação de Associações Angolanas e Amigos de Angola, MEBRAP and Fundação Luso-Brasileira, these orga- nisations did not report membership numbers due to the fact that they do not possess a membership strategy, and therefore have no records.

In analysing the associations which did provide membership num- bers, the composition of Angolan associations ranged from 35 individ- uals (Associação de Defesa dos Direitos das Famílias Angolanas (ADDI- FA)) to 3,000 members (AEAP) with the average number of members per association being 399 individuals. The Brazilian associations showed the largest range of difference (Associação Carinho Brasileiro with 9 members and Torcida Brasil with 7,800 members). The average per Brazilian association was 795. This number, however, is misleading due to the fact that Torcida Brazil defines its members as those who sign up through their website. If the 7,800 members of Torcida Brazil are not taken into account, the next largest membership was CBL with 2,000.

Table 6.2 Legal constitutional status of the associations and other forms of recognition

Legal constitutional status and recognition Angolan Brazilian Eastern

European

N % N % N %

Legally registered (DR) 27 96.4 15 83.3 21 100

Recognised by ACIME 14 50.0 4 22.2 9 42.9

IPSS (Private Institution of Social Solidarity) 2 7.1 1 5.6 1 4.8

NGO 2 7.1 0 0 0 0

The average then drops to 383. In relation to the Eastern European asso- ciations, the organisation SOLIM possessed the highest number of East- ern European immigrant members – approximately 5,000.25 In this case, the average number of members per Eastern European association was 795 individuals. Again, if SOLIM is taken from the list, the next association is Associação de Apoio ao Imigrante – São Bernardo with 2,000. This reduces the average number per association to 407 mem- bers.

Figure 6.1 Membership composition of the associations

Source: Author’s own compilation

The membership compositions presented by the associations tend to re- flect the different objectives and activities carried out by them. Those which are the most dynamic in their activities– that offer a greater vari- ety of services– tend to have greater membership numbers than those organisations that aim to satisfy a certain community niche. Many of the associations that provide social services provide them on the condition that the client takes up membership, thus the high membership number frequently reflects one-time users of the association who became mem- bers in order to receive the service. In fact, a common concern among a number of association leaders is that immigrants often possess a utilitar- ian outlook towards the work of the association, only seeking them out when they have issues that need resolving, but playing no part when it comes to the workings of the organisation. Lack of participation in im- migrant associations is, however, not new, for as Ireland (1994: 277) points out, immigrant associations seldom represent more then 10 per cent of the immigrants.

Additionally, in relation to associations tied to specific neighbour- hoods, although they might possess a membership base, many will fre-

quently consider all residents of the neighbourhood in which they oper- ate as their constituency. Some Angolan neighbourhood associations employ this criterion.

Beyond the size of the associations, it was also important to identify the people the associations cater to. What particular ethnic groups are the activities aimed at or do the associations represent? In observing Ta- ble 6.3, the Brazilians stand out for having the highest percentage of associations (67 per cent) that cater exclusively to their own community, with the other one-third of the organisations representing either Brazi- lians and Portuguese alike, Brazilian and PALOP community members, immigrant communities in general or all members of society as a whole.

Table 6.3 Groups of people catered to by the associations

Groups Angolan Brazilian Eastern

European

N % N % N %

Angolan community 12 42.9 - - - -

PALOP community 3 10.7 - - - -

PALOP and Portuguese communities 3 10.7 - - - -

Cabinda region community 1 3.6 - - - -

Backongo region community 1 3.6

Neighbourhood residents 7 25 - - - -

Brazilian community - - 12 66.7 - -

Brazilian and Portuguese community - - 2 11.1 - -

Brazilian and PALOP communities - - 1 5.6 - -

Eastern European communities - - - - 12 57.1

Romanians - - - - 2 9.5

Ukrainians - - - - 2 9.5

Russians - - - - 1 4.8

Moldovans - - - - 1 4.8

Romanians and Moldovans - - - - 1 4.8

Immigrants in general - - 1 5.6 2 9.5

All citizens 1 3.6 2 11.1 - -

Total 28 100 18 100 21 100

Source: Author’s own compilation

In contrast, 57 per cent of the Eastern European movements cater speci- fically to all individuals from that part of Europe, with 29 per cent ser- ving the nationals of a specific Eastern European country. One associa- tion represents both Romanian and Moldovan nationals, while two others cater to immigrants in general.

There is greater diversity among Angolan associations. Half identify themselves as representatives of Angolans in general or of individuals

who originate from the Angolan regions of Cabinda and Backongo. The other half define themselves as representatives of a wider and more di- versified group of individuals, with those who serve a specific neighbour- hood and its residents accounting for one-quarter of the associations, 11 per cent catering to the PALOP communities in general, and another 11 per cent serving PALOP and Portuguese communities.

Also worth highlighting is the correlation between associations founded by the immigrants themselves and the people catered to, and associations founded by Portuguese nationals and the communities these associations serve. While associations founded by immigrants are more inclined to serve those of their own nationality, those created by Portuguese nationals tend to cater to a greater diversity of ethnic groups. This is particularly the case in relation to the Eastern European organisa- tions in Portugal (Pires n.d.). By considering itself an ‘African’ or an ‘Eastern European’ association, the organisation is affirming itself as ser- ving no single nationality, but instead defines a larger population niche.

It is, therefore, often made clear, through the name of an association, just who the clientele is. In fact, most often then not, it is the name of an association that provides the first sign of an identity reference. These may be broad, such as the pan-ethnic labels of ‘Eastern European’ or ‘African’ associations, or more specific, as is the case with regional asso- ciations. While an association that confines itself to a specific regional population also confines itself to a specified shared identity, an associa- tion that labels itself in a broad fashion, sets itself up for a restructuring of national identities in the new immigration context, given that it is poised to amalgamate the various ethno-cultural identities it deals with. Considering this latter scenario, it is important to contemplate why do associations label themselves in such a broad manner, and how they cope with the streamlining of identities? The Eastern European and An- golan interviewees (representing of the two groups in which more then 50 per cent of the associations cater to a larger variety of ethnic groups) highlighted a number of key overarching factors: the Russian language, the fact that they came former Soviet states and common integration difficulties, in the case of Eastern Europeans; racial factors, the fact that the majority come from the former Portuguese colonies as well as, once again, common integration difficulties, in the case of Angolans. What is evident is that ethno-cultural identities become secondary to certain commonalities and shared issues. This, in turn, serves to elucidate the restructuring of national identities in the new immigration context.

Associations are created in a specific time/space compendium, driven by specific aims, objectives and concerns. What shapes the associations today may not be what shapes them in the future. While, presently, na- tional bonding may not be the exclusive binding feature of the associa- tions, this may become the scenario after certain integration-oriented

objectives are accomplished. Still other associations may simply cease to exist after realising their goals. The changes in identity references of the associations, as if the sole regard of the immigration groups constituted the associations as such from the very beginning, deeply restructuring previous differently articulated references, may be considered temporary – while other current (integration) matters force identity related issues to take on secondary position.

Lastly, beyond the internal motives and interests, external factors may also influence the associative clustering of people of different national- ities. As various authors point out (Ireland 1994; Soysal 1994; Danese 2001), the grouping of immigrants may be influenced by the available resources and policies set out by the governments of the host country that may promulgate strategies with the intent of‘having a say’ in the lives of the immigrant association movements. It is of the association’s best interest, therefore, to generalise their membership base, given that this will permit greater proximity to the powers-that-be.