Distorsiones del mercado laboral para profesiones universitarias

Whilst the research reviewed above deals with individual differences in telephone apprehension, it is not clear what level of apprehension is in general associated with use of the telephone. A number of studies suggest that,

in general, people perceive interactions mediated via the telephone as less pleasant and more anxiety provoking than face-to-face interactions, but that this difference is not large, and may be dependent on the nature of the topic, task and interactional partner.

In one of the first systematic programmes investigating "The New Media" the Communication Studies Group, London, published a series of reports during the 1970's comparing the characteristics of video interactions with those of face-to-face interactions. This research programme was aimed at promoting video-conferenced meetings as

substitutes for face-to-face meetings, and as superior to telephone or audio-conferenced meetings. A telephone (or more commonly, an audio) condition was therefore often

included as a comparison in these investigations. These studies were reviewed by Short, Williams and Christie

(1976). Although no specific measures of differing levels of anxiety aroused by the different media were included, a number of general evaluative scales were included in most studies. Short et al (1976) found that in general people saw the telephone or audio-only media as "less pleasant" than the face-to-face medium.

Wilson and Williams (1977), in a study of the Watergate transcripts, suggested that telephone conversations are experienced as less pleasant than face-to-face ones. A number of measures were extracted from the published transcripts, such as length of conversation, length of utterances, number of agreements and disagreements,

number of questions, etc. Significant differences between face-to-face and telephone conversations were felt by the

authors to support the "telephone is unpleasant" hypothesis.

A review of studies which have examined speech

disturbances (a well-documented measure of state anxiety) and which have included a comparison between face-to-face and audio-only conditions suggests that state anxiety is greater in the audio-only condition (eg Rutter and

Stephenson, 1977; Rutter, Stephenson and Dewey, 1981). However, in these experimental situations, real

telephones are rarely used to implement the audio-only conditions. Subjects are usually faced with microphone and loudspeakers providing hi-fi audio links. It is therefore possible that the elevated levels of anxiety could be a result of the unfamiliarity of the audio-only medium, relative to both the face-to-face condition and to normal telephone use.

Rutter (1987), in a study of university-level telephone teaching, reported a comparison of telephone-mediated tutorials with face-to-face tutorials. Participants were asked at the end of each session to record their

impressions of the tutorial using scales such as

"formal", "tiring", "humorous" and "anxiety-provoking". Face-to-face tutorials were seen as more spontaneous, humorous, and light-hearted, and as less formal and tense. Although face-to-face tutorials were seen as

slightly less anxiety-provoking, this difference was not significant. No analysis by sex or age of participants was reported. Whilst these results suggest that people find the telephone difficult, it does not appear that the experience of the telephone per se is more anxiety-

provoking than face-to-face interactions. The differences that were noted could be a function of unfamiliarity with the medium, or could result from the differences in tutor strategies which occurred in the telephone-mediated

Champness (1972) asked a sample of 112 civil servants how suitable they thought various media (face-to-face,

loudspeaking audio, and two types of video system) were for various activities. Analysis revealed four factors: 1: Interpersonal relations: loading highly on scales such as 'maintaining group morale', 'getting to know others' and 'staff relations'.

2: Factual information: loading highly on scales such as 'exchange of factual information' and 'giving orders'. 3: Interpersonal conflict: loading highly on scales such as 'resolving conflicts', 'settling differences of

opinion' and 'persuading people'.

4: Chatting: this was an uninterpretable residual factor.

Both Factors 1 and 3 showed substantial medium effects, with face-to-face communication being considered superior to the audio system. However, there were no medium

effects for Factor 2. Westrum (1972) in an American study compared face-to-face communication with the telephone and concluded that people felt that telephone

communication was most problematic in situations which involved a high degree of emotional contact, such as conflict resolution, the development of trust, and authority relations.

Noble (1987) reported preferences for performing

particular communication tasks either face-to-face or by telephone. Face-to-face communication was the

overwhelming preference in the majority of situations. Face-to-face contact was seen as preferable if giving good or bad news, gossiping, persuading, trying to get one's own way, and abusing someone. The only situations in which the telephone was preferred tended to be those situations where the interaction needed to be brief,

particularly when the initiator of the interaction needed to enforce brevity, and to involve information transfer. These situations were 'saying no', brushing someone off, making arrangements and issuing invitations. These

results were replicated by Skelton (1989, using a sample of teenagers) and Harbilas (1989, in a study of

immigrants1 attitudes to the telephone in Australia).

Set against this evidence that the telephone is not in general seen as the medium of choice, it is necessary to note evidence, such as that reported by Skelton (1989), that most respondents report enjoying use of the

telephone, and consider it an important part of their lives. One way of summarising these apparently

contradictory findings is that the limitations of the telephone are recognised, but its usefulness is also recognised, particularly for specific purposes. Another possibility is that the (slight) anxiety associated with the telephone is in fact pleasantly arousing, as is the sense of accomplishment gained from using a problematic medium effectively. However, there is no firm evidence and support for either of these possibilities or to indicate how telephone apprehension relates to other kinds of social or communicative anxiety.

Relation of Telephone Apprehension to Technology Apprehens ion

In discussing the potential of the "Information

Technology Age" Dillman (198 5) notes that in addition to the availability of the technology, the adoption and exploitation of information technology and the new media will also require an adequate human infrastructure. That is, it will require people who will be willing and able to use these technologies and media. An unnoticed, but critical element in many of the newer technologies is the telephone and the telephone system. If this is the case, then adoption of the new technologies will require that people are willing and able to use not only the new technologies, but also the existing technology of the telephone.

An example of this inter-connection is given by the work of LaRose and his colleagues (eg LaRose and Bates, 1989;

LaRose and Mettler, 1989). As part of their investigation of the adoption of new technologies in rural communities, LaRose and Bates (1989) developed an index of what they termed "virtual social distance". This was a seven item scale which measured the extent to which respondents were willing to accept information technologies as substitutes

for face-to-face interpersonal interactions.

LaRose and Mettler (1989) reported the following data:

Virtual Social Distance: Percentage of rural and nonrural respondents expressing willingness to use information

technologies to perform certain tasks

Rural Nonrural (n=148) (n=298)

Writing a $20 check by computer 42 47 Getting the news of the day by computer

45 50

Taking a (educational) course for credit by cable TV

54 61

Shopping for clothing by cable TV 20 18 Taking part in a committee meeting by phone

43 51

Seeking medical advice by phone 47 47 Negotiating a contract by phone 25 27

None of the rural-nonrural differences were significant. Percents are those who scored above the midpoint on each scale item. Higher numbers indicate stronger agreement with each statement.

This data suggests that there are substantial numbers of people, in both rural and nonrural communities, who are reluctant to use the phone for a number of apparently routine tasks, such as taking part in a committee meeting, seeking medical advice, or negotiating a

contract by phone. This reluctance to use the telephone as a substitute for face-to-face contact is at least as great, and in some cases is greater, than the reluctance

to use the newer technologies.

LaRose and Mettler (1989) also reported a number of indices of attitudes to, and use of the new information technologies. These included "number of home

telecommunications terminals" and "use of information technology". A feature common to all three of these indices is that they were developed using confirmatory factor analyses, demonstrate high internal reliabilities, and they included the telephone alongside computer and radio/television/video technologies.

Number of home telecommunications terminals

"Which of the following do you have in your home?" Extension telephone

Touch-tone phone

Telephone answering machine Video cassette recorder Cable Television

Home Satellite receiver Personal computer Computer printer

Weather radio (Cronbach's Alpha = 0.66)

Use of information technology

"How frequently do you use the following?:" (never, sometimes, monthly, daily)

Toll-free 800 numbers

900 number telephone polls Conference calling

Speaker phones Touch-tone phones Cellular telephones

Automatic telephone diallers Telephone answering machines Telephone credit cards

Automatic pagers Facsimile machines Personal computers Computer modems On-line data bases

Electronic mail systems Private computer networks Audiotext services

Automatic bank teller machines (Cronbach's Alpha = 0.91)

These scales suggest that attitudes to, and use of the phone may properly be considered to be a component of more general attitudes to, and use of, the new

information technologies and vice-a-versa. However, the precise relationship of telephone apprehension to other kinds of technological anxieties is, as yet, unclear.

Significance of Telephone Apprehension

The review of research outlined in this chapter suggests that high levels of telephone apprehension can cause

people to avoid making and receiving telephone calls, may impair their effectiveness as communicators when

communicating by phone, and may influence their choice of media such that they select other, less appropriate

channels for their communications. These effects are likely to have negative impacts upon the social and task effectiveness of these individuals. Because the telephone has been seen as unproblematic, and its use 'transparent'

it seems to have been assumed that merely making the telephone available would lead to its increased and

appropriate use. Organisations, and individuals, who base their decisions about communicative and other activities on the assumption that because a telephone is available it will be used effectively and appropriately, ignore the possibility that the high levels of telephone

apprehension experienced by a significant proportion of the adult population will lead to the avoidance or

inappropriate use of the telephone.

The study of telephone apprehension

As has been seen, relatively little research has investigated the phenomena of telephone apprehension.

That which has been done suggests that it is an important phenomenon, which has implications not only for use of the telephone itself, but also for the use of the newer

communication media. The lack of research, and the

mismatch between the apparent prevalence and importance of a phenomenon associated with the telephone on the one hand, and the lack of systematic research on the other, is one that has been remarked upon previously. Aronson

(1971) noted the "ninety-odd years of scholarly neglect, not to say disdain" which characterises academic interest in the telephone. There exists considerable evidence to document the importance of the telephone in people's everyday social and occupational lives (see, for example Pool, 1977, 1983). The telephone has played a significant part in shaping both the physical and the psychological world, and its importance is, according to most

forecasters (eg Pelton, 1981; Williams, 1982), likely to remain or even increase in the future. If, as suggested above, telephone apprehension is an identifiable

phenomena, which affects whether or not people use the telephone, and the way in which they use it, then there is likely to be considerable practical benefit to be gained from exploring this phenomenon. In addition, such exploration will also provide theoretical elaboration of the concepts of telephone apprehension, as well as

explicating one of the components of communication apprehension.

The research described in this thesis investigates the following questions and issues:

1: Is the Telephone Apprehension Inventory an appropriate measure for use with non-USA samples?

2: How prevalent is telephone apprehension in various UK and Australian samples, and at what levels?

3: In these samples, how does telephone apprehension vary as a function of such variables as the age and sex of the respondent?

4: Is telephone apprehension unidimensional, and if not, what are the components of telephone apprehension?

5: Is it possible to demonstrate the validity and

reliability of the Telephone Apprehension Inventory?

6: What are the correlates of telephone apprehension, and do these provide plausible alternative explanations of variations in telephone apprehension?

7: What communicative and psychological processes

underlie telephone apprehension, and how are anxieties concerning the telephone related to other anxieties?

8: How is telephone apprehension related to telephone behaviour, and what other determinants of telephone behaviour should be taken into account?