A 1.3.- DOMINIO DE HERRAMIENTAS

Male identity is developed in reference to other men and in view of those men who will reinforce that performance (Kiesling, 2005). Starting with the first organized sports team or play group, boys learn to identify themselves as members of the team or group. Thus, no exploration of gender is complete without an exploration of gendered organizations and the degree to which individuals choose to conform to group norming

pressures. Organizations serve as mechanisms to regulate behavior, reinforce hegemonic norms, gain status, and determine in- and out-group hierarchy.

Reinforcement of Behavior

In male groups, such as those seen in athletic cultures, men are expected to behave in ways that are consistent with group norms to gain approval from the group (Allan & DeAngelis, 2004; Bryshun & Young, 1999; Johnson, 2002b). This process is iterative in that one must acceptably perform gender to be accepted, and one must then expect the same performance from other men seeking entry to the group. Men seek reinforcement of their acceptable masculine performance from other valued peers, known as their reference group (Wade, 1998). The group helps an individual formulate his norms, attitudes, and values, and the more aligned the individual is with the group’s positioning, the stronger his preference for the organization (Tom, 1971). When those valued peers give positive reinforcement for behavior, this communicates to the man that he is an accepted member of the group. The pursuit of this affinity and validation of masculinity then leads to a reinforcement of subculturally acceptable gender

performances as part of the regulation of gender in organizational culture (Tiger, 1984; West & Zimmerman, 1987). Degree of reliance on reference group identity can explain why some men adhere more closely to organizationally-defined masculine standards, even if these standards are misaligned with their own self-concept.

Establishment of Sub-Culturally Defined Hegemonic Norms

In the process of reinforcing behavior, all-male groups, particularly young adult groups, tend to adopt an oppositional or protest masculinity in resistance to authority (Broude, 1990; Messerschmidt, 1993). Oppositional or protest masculinity is an effort to

establish a visible masculine group identity that defies the greater pressures to conform to school or adult expectations and aids the organization and individuals within the

organization in gaining status and “a valued masculinity identity by exhibiting those hegemonic masculine ideals the school denies—independence, dominance, daring, and control” (Messerschmidt, 1993, p. 95). In the case of fraternities and sports teams, this may include talking about sex, breaking the rules, making dangerous choices, drinking alcohol to excess, and playing pranks (DeSantis, 2007; Hughes & Coakley, 1991). For example, drinking became (and still is) a symbol of masculinity in the Prohibition era in defiance of authority (Syrett, 2009). This non-conformity to adult-defined gender norms also creates group cohesiveness and a shared understanding of acceptable gender

performance (Muir & Seitz, 2004).

Determination of Status

Power, privilege, and status for the individual and the organization are established through dominance within the organization and in relation to other groups. Boys and men desire high status and seek affiliation with high-status masculine individuals and groups with the hope of taking advantage of status transitivity, whereby the status of high-status members becomes the status of all group members (Kiesling, 2005). A man’s status is then determined by his ability to influence others to follow his masculinity model, his subsequent position within the group hierarchy, and the group’s overall status in comparison to other groups (Kiesling, 1998; Sabo, 1987).

To belong to the group, boys and men demonstrate a willingness to abide by organizational expectations for gender performance. The more closely the individual’s (a) behavior aligns with group expectations; (b) defers to organizational authority; and (c)

conforms to organizational gender norms, the more he is met with acceptance (Connell, 1995; Muir & Seitz, 2004; Sabo & Panepinto, 1990). The stronger the alignment with group expectations, the greater the status the individual gains in the group. This feedback loop in which individuals within the group receive reinforcement for appropriate gender performance also breeds competition between members as each member jockeys for status and seeks to unseat others within the organization (Bird, 1996; Waldron et al., 2011).

In young-adult groups in particular, use and abuse of alcohol create a sense of masculine power and allow for greater sense of bonding (Peralta, 2007; West, 2001; Workman, 2001). The ability to drink large quantities of alcohol and to tell drinking stories is a form of masculine power that can increase individual status within the group (Curry, 2000; Peralta, 2007; Warin & Dempster, 2007). Simultaneously, alcohol excuses failure to adhere to group gender norms. The use of alcohol creates a space for intimate conversation and physical contact that would result in loss of individual status within the group if exhibited when sober (DeSantis, 2007; West, 2001). This status differential may be why alcohol features so prominently in hazing activities.

Demarcation of the In-Group and the Out-Group

Because status is important, groups must protect their gendered status by clearly delineating the in-group and the out-group. Masculinity is often defined in opposition to femininity or heterosexuality (Messner, 1992). The in-group is masculine, and the out- group is not. Thus, the ability to create clear in-group, out-group demarcation is essential to establishing both internal and external hegemonic prestige (Addelson & Stirratt, 1996;

Yeung, Stombler, & Wharton, 2006) and is why establishing an other, a role often played by new members, has been part of the fraternity experience from the start (Syrett, 2009).

Group membership fundamentally creates exclusion of others. Through exclusion comes prestige. Individuals within the group strive not to violate dominant group norms for fear of exclusion as an other and loss of status (Bird, 1996; Curry, 1991; Muir & Seitz, 2004). When the in-group is determined by oppositional masculine norms that support culturally deviant behaviors, such as hazing, the ability to stoically accept cruel teasing or excessive alcohol consumption can breed a code of silence among members of the group out of fear of social ostracization (Bird, 1996; Johnson, 2002b; Messner, 2002; Peralta, 2007; Waldron et al., 2011). It can also lead individuals to tolerate and support behaviors that are in conflict with their own preferred gender behaviors, such as derogatory comments about women, using drugs, or engaging in crime out of fear of exclusion (Curry, 1991).