In a number of cases, participants reported that national, regional and local subsidy opportunities encouraged them to formalise their IOGs. It is apparent from the interview responses and focus group discussions that some of the ICOs formalise themselves because it is the only way to get access to grants given by different institutions at national and international level. Institutional isomorphic pressures influence the IOGs to adopt a more business-like persona (Jackson, 2011). Thus, by emulating organisational strategies to gain funding (within the process of mimicry), an organisation acculturation occurs (Claeyé and Jackson, 2012). Here, it can be seen that there is a creative resistance element, as the IOGs formalise their organisation by adopting external forms in order to survive (i.e., the mimetic isomorphism in DiMaggio and Powell, 2000).
This phenomenon is actually exceptional, as the existing literature suggests that other kind of motivations may drive the development of indigenous organisations and/or enterprises (Anderson et al. 2006; Anderson et al. 2006; Peredo, 2001; Vázquez Maguirre et al. 2016). The findings reveal how external factors drive the development of ICOs in the Colombian context. Here, it can be seen clearly how the transitional process from informality to formality is subjected to top-down opportunities. Previously in this section, it is noted that participants felt a disadvantage in competing with other organisations when national institutions are having open calls to apply for funding schemes, where formality is needed and structurally compulsory. Evidence shows that in almost all the cases, the grants obtained were crucial to kick off their projects, and, therefore, funding opportunities are one of the key motivators to formalise IOGs as SSE organisations (see Table 6.2).
As seen in Box 6.16, many accounts suggest that subsidies are key to develop their projects. It is reported that formality is essential to get access to different opportunities.
For instance, some of the members of the Cooperativa Indígena las Delicias (CS1) formalised their IOGs as trade unions first, but better funding schemes were accessible to other types of organisations and led them to become a cooperative eventually. In
another note, participants report that financial funding is not the only opportunity that the ICOs gain, as some of them are granted organisational or legal support.
Box 6.16 ICOs’ Development Stimulated by Funding Schemes
The association was helped through eh … a project that was developed for the association. From these resources came some of the initiative's own resources. But to improve this we need to continue to influence in perceiving other help to improve the quality of these crafts [President and Cofounder, VIWA1, CS5].
We realise that the best opportunity to get a grant from the state was through creating our own cooperative, in fact we realise that the trade union model was not the best of us. By creating a cooperative we could have better access to loans and grants, in fact by gaining a donation by the pope and the Vatican we could reduce our organisation’s debt substantially [Member/Co-founder, V1MK2, CS1].
By formalising ourselves we could get access to external help … there were few institutions that contributed for the establishment of our association … the help was not a financial one … they covered all the costs of setting up the association [Treasurer, PUFG 1.3, CS4].
Our enterprise started with the help of the Ministry of Agriculture, they gave us CO$1000M … this helped us to develop the enterprise that the Yanacona community owns [Treasurer, PUFG 1.3, CS4].
Two main aspects show the tensions that funding schemes inflict on encouraging IOGs to be formalised. On the one hand, results indicate that by starting up an ICO with external subsidies, institutional dependency is imprinted60 on the ICOs, and therefore influencing organisational behaviours and outcomes in the long run. Evidence shows that imprinting occurs when the IOGs formalise themselves by following funding schemes’
criteria and pursue external help to set up their projects. Thus, the ICOs are shaped by the institutional aid, driving them to rely heavily on institutional opportunities, and conditioning their sustainability and growth to external opportunities. A couple of examples illustrated this.
The first example in Box 6.17 is provided by the president of Asociación Dugjin (CS4) who suggests how the state contributes in the development of indigenous people’s
60 In organisational theory and organisational behaviour, imprinting is a core concept describing how the past affects the present.
initiatives, and highlights that without their contribution, organisations are not able to grow. The second example comes from the president and co-founder of the Asociación de Artesanos y Artesanas de Shiruria who points out how institutional aid is crucial in the development of their association, and how such help should be expanded to other institutions.
Box 6.17 Institutional Dependency as one of the ICOs’ Compositions
“The state must accompany our projects … we need more support from them … it is impossible to either survive or grow without their assistance … I think is the state’s obligation to support projects as ours” [President, VIPU1, CS4].
“To be honest, the first project that we gained from the local government enabled us to motivate our weavers and contribute substantially to the economic aspect of the association … I think this should be the main task of the government distribute the perks to other institutions to support projects as ours…. we are giving opportunities but we need a financial back up” [President / Cofounder, VIWA1, CS5].
On the other hand, the interviews and focus group discussion results reveal that in some CSEs the need for seeking external help conflicts with the community’s desire for autonomy and independence. While indigenous communities in Colombia claim independence, autonomy and recognition from the state (see Chapter 5), indigenous people’s projects seem to be dependent on institutional aid. This contradiction is evident in all the ICOs selected for this study, as all of them had received institutional support.
Table 6.2 Raison d'être: Motives for the ICOs’ Existence, External Drivers
External Factors
MOTIVES
(CHARACTERISTICS) INDIGENOUS COMMUNITY BASED ORGANISATIONS (ICOs)
CS1 CS2 CS3 CS4 CS5
Land Rights and Territoriality
Territory is an essential element for them (spiritual connection). 1)
the main objective is to recover the land that was taken away
during colonialism and 2) to protect their territory and work it
sustainably once it is recovered.
Territory is one of the pillars of the Yanaconas’ Life Plan; it is considered
that without it, their culture cannot be reinforced and recognized. Thus, the importance to hold on to it and make it productive for the benefit of
the whole community.
Part of their own peace process is to create economic opportunities for
the people that are victims of the Colombian armed conflict.
The coop was created to provide employment opportunities and
economic autonomy to their associates and their families. Rural
families are working for landowners, and other are working
under the model of terraje. Thus, the organisation’s objective is to generate employment for their members to meet their economic
needs.
Lack of employment and urban migration is an issue for the Yanacona
community. The young people migrate to urban areas seeking better
opportunities. The enterprise was created to generate job opportunities
for the Yanacona community, and to stop massive migration to the urban
areas.
The region of Guainia faces socio-economic issues, and there is a high level of employment. The the Paujil, thus the need to
develop sustainable
or in kind, by formalising the organisation he/she has the chance
to buy the land.
The enterprise started with financial help from the Minister of Agriculture.
The association was
6.3 From Mimicry to Hybridity: The Transmutation of IOGs into