Ejercicios Didácticos de Argumentación

Most literature about single-sex classes in general and single-sex mathematics and science classes in particular were written either in the US or in Australia. In the US this issue is not only educational but social, political, constitutional, and feminist; in Australia most studies dealing with it focus on educational results, namely, under what conditions can girls benefit from studying in single-sex settings; is it good for all girls to study science and math in single-classes; if yes – under what circumstances, such as the differences among school types that prefer single-sex classes. The review of single-sex settings I offer here covers some European countries, Australia and New Zealand, the Far East, as well as Israel. In all reviewed article, special emphasis will be given to those dealing with math and science achievements and future aspirations.

5.3.1. Single-sex settings in the US

Monaco & Gaier (1992) review in their article the history of writing about single-sex

school settings in the 60ies through the end of the 80ies. While it is important to be aware of the history of the debate about single-sex settings, it is also important to know that many assumptions that were perceived as truths in their time are no longer valid. For example, when citing Goldberg (1968) about the way females and males used to judge females, we have to take into account that the assumption: “architecture is a typical male profession” is no longer absolutely valid. In the year 2000, 62% of

first year Israeli students of Architecture and Urban Planning at the Technion, the Israeli Institute for Higher Education in Engineering and Architecture, were women (Alterman, 2000, table 9). However, some of the questions that have been asked during the last four decades of the 20th century should be re-asked in the light of some new developments:

1. Is it still true, that adolescent girls display more concern about being liked and respected by their teachers? By their peers? By their parents? If so – to what extent? Is the situation in single-sex settings any different?

2. How does learning in single-sex classes influence girls’ intrinsic vs. extrinsic achievement, mastery, or goal motivation?

3. Is it true that “women in single-sex settings appear to have higher self-regard and self-confidence? (Monaco & Gaier, 1992, p. 590)?

4. Does religion influence single-sex classes differently than it does mixed-sex classes regarding future expectations to acquire a mathematically dependent profession? Are there gender differences among the different religion groups in this aspect?

5. Is it true that parental pressure to achieve is negatively related to achievement? What are the religion and gender differences regarding this aspect? According to Monaco and Gaier (1992) – girls’ achievements are optimal under moderate parental pressure. To what extent is it true in my sample (comparison between mixed- and single-sex classes)?

6. What are the differences between girls learning in single-sex classes and those in mixed settings regarding being liked by peers, teachers, and parents? Regarding learning motivation? Regarding future professional expectations? Regarding self-esteem? Regarding attribution to success and failure?

Most studies done in the US agree that single-sex classes, especially in mathematics, result in higher achievements for girls (e.g. Astin, 1977; Cassidy, 28.11.1997; Durost, 1996; Edwards, 2002; Finn, 1980, Lee & Bryk, 1986; Price & Rosemier, 1972; Riordan, 1990; Tidball, 1973, 1980; Tschumy, 1995) as well as higher enrollment (e.g. Gerrity, 1994; Sadker & Sadker, 1994; Tidball, 1973).

A study conducted on a girls-only physics class in a public school in the US revealed that girls made substantial gains both academically and in perceptions of themselves as competent learners of science (Streitmatter, 1997, 1998).

In a study of African-American boys and girls learning in coeducational and single-sex classes it was found that girls in all-female classes had significantly higher scores in mathematics than those leaning in mixed-sex classes (Singh & Vaught, 1998).

5.3.2. In England

The GCSE examinations results in England have shown that girls learning in single- sex classes have better achievements than girls in mixed-sex schools. In addition, girls learning in single-sex schools have more A-grades – entitled to those performing best – than boys (Gillibrand & Braun, 1994).

Cassidy (28.11.1997) has reported about an experiment done in the UK for increasing science achievements among high school students. In 1994 girls’ achievements in science were behind these of boys by 20% in the Mill Hill Country High School. On that year girls started getting science instructions in single-sex classes, and by 1997 they had an advantage of 1% over boys in their school.

Gillibrand, Robinson, Brawn, & Osborn (1999) present findings from a 3- year longitudinal case study of two single-sex GCSE physics classes in a mixed-sex school in England. The results were that girls participating in such classes gained confidence and have better achievements, and as a result consider more often the possibility of learning physics for the A-Level exams.

5.3.3. In Thailand

Jimenez & Lockheed (1989) have found that single-sex schooling of 8th graders in Thailand was significantly more effective for girls than for boys regarding performance in mathematics.

5.3.4. In New Zealand

Harker & Nash (1997) have found, in a longitudinal study of over 5000 pupils in 37

secondary schools in New Zealand, that when adequate control was exercised for the different ability level and the social and the ethnic mix of the two types of school, no significant differences in achievements were observed between students learning in single-sex or mixed classes.