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The greatest frequency of both begin and start is with activities, where the subject

is an acting agent (Schmid 1993). Four activity verbs have been analyzed in greater detail after begin and start: they are ‘do’, ‘run’, ‘walk’ and ‘study’: all these verbs

require a human agent as their subject. Statistical data have been obtained from the BNC and the web. Although the findings show a frequent occurrence of all four verbs with begin and start, in some cases the number of activites after start seems

to be higher than after begin. This, according to Schmid, can be explained as

motivated by the agentive-dynamic character of start to a high degree (Schmid:

237)43. The table below shows the frequency of ‘do’, ‘run’, ‘walk’ and ‘study’ within the begin + to infinitive and start + to infinitive construction:

DO RUN WALK STUDY

Source BNC WEB BNC WEB BNC WEB BNC WEB

Begin to 7 203 10 257 10 178 2 148 Begins to 1 157 9 322 3 215 0 145 Began to 17 207 39 220 136 240 36 198 Begun to 12 161 5 152 5 183 7 159 43

Schmid (1993) sees the difference between the eventuality types of begin and start as motivated

by the different semantic values of the two verbs. While begin can be characterized as being stative

in nature, often describing the initiation of a state of mind (the frequent occurrence of begin with

cognitive verbs), start which is more dynamic, more often appears in a dynamic context, with an

acting agent. This does not mean, that begin does not often appear with activitities: the constellation

SEM_SU [human] +start/begin+ SEM _C [action] can be thought to be a prototypical use for both

108 Beginning to 9 169 10 157 3 248 1 147 Start to 20 213 12 225 8 200 2 158 Starts to 1 162 6 234 2 237 0 149 Started to 33 200 48 277 68 244 2 198 Starting to 10 210 6 180 7 167 0 139

Table 2: The frequency of activity verbs within the begin + to infinitive and start + to infinitive construction in BNC and the WEB.

5.4.1.2. The Appearance with state verbs

My findings from corpora (Brown corpora, LOB, FLOB, BNC as well as data from the web) confirm Schmid’s as well as Cornilescu’s (p. 471) observation that begin

occurs frequently with cognitive verbs, as well as verbs of state and psychological verbs, like ‘to understand’, ‘to miss’, ‘to believe’ etc. when it is followed by the to- infinitive construction.

While start can also be followed by a state verb (34) the number of cognitive and

psychological verbs within the start + to infinitive constructions is more reduced,

as the data show. The complement verb in the start + to infinitive construction is

more often an activity, carried out by an acting agent; state verbs rarely appear within the start + to infinitive construction.

(34) She started to be interested in music late in his life. (Cornilescu: 471)

Table 3) shows the occurrence of four cognitive verbs, ‘see’, ‘realize’, ‘think’ and ‘understand’ within the begin + to infinitive and start + to infinitive construction.

Data have been obtained from the Brown, FLOB, LOB, FROWN corpora (ICAME project) as well as BNC and the web. Table 3 contains the data gained from the BNC and also from the web (with the help of the Webcorp concordance program).

SEE REALIZE THINK UNDERSTAND

Source BNC WEB BNC WEB BNC WEB BNC WEB

109 Begins to 4 209 3 293 9 231 2 184 Began to 117 310 44 208 145 358 45 224 Begun to 14 147 4 227 20 228 9 181 Beginning to 85 122 25 180 152 225 39 220 Start to 18 275 1 255 31 170 6 223 Starts to 1 152 0 165 3 178 0 164 Started to 8 239 1 218 30 252 1 167 Starting to 6 199 6 168 15 363 0 157

Table 3: The frequency of cognitive verbs within the begin + to infinitive and start + to infinitive constructions in the BNC and the web

The data show a more frequent occurrence of state verbs within the begin + to infinitive construction than within the start + to infinitive construction. This is

motivated to a high degree by the semantics of the two verbs (begin prefers the

appearance of cognitive verbs because of its gradual character than start, which is

more related to action and dynamicity) and their interrelation with the to-infinitive

(refers to the potential coming into being of the occurrence) and –ing constructions

(focus on the occurrence itself).

Figure 3: The frequency of the verb ‘see’ within begin + to infinitive and start + to infinitive

When begin is followed by a stative verb, the subject is often a patient (35- 38). In

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construction is missing; rather, the turning point that would mark a change in the fat man’s behavior is understood as being abrupt. This sentence implies a human agent who after observing how the things stand around him starts acting in a certain way.

(35) You want to see him again - just one more time, you tell yourself - and you begin to feel the overwhelming need to confess. (FROWN)

(36) It's a big stretch from that to MacDonald's conclusion: "One can begin to see why a woman fighter should be more feared than a man: she views her cause as a

surrogate child. (FROWN)

(37) Keys's findings, though far from complete, are likely to smash many an eating cliche. Vitamins, eggs and milk begin to look like foods to hold down on (though mothers' milk is still the ticket). (BROWN)

(38) Puritan New England regarded obesity as a flagrant symbol of intemperance, and thus a sin. Says Keys: "Maybe if the idea got around again that obesity is immoral, the fat man would start to think". Morals aside, the fat man has plenty to worry about- over and above the fact that no one any longer loves him.

(BROWN)

5.4.1.3. The appearance with process verbs

An important aim of the analysis has been to see which of the constructions (begin + to infinitive and start + to infinitive) also favor process verbs that lack a human

acting agent. Such verbs (e.g. ‘take shape’, ‘improve’, etc.) seem to be more frequent within the begin + to infinitive than within the start + to infinitive

construction. My findings confirm Schmid’s observations; he points to a more increased occurrence of begin with process verbs as compared to start (Schmid:

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IMPROVE TAKE SHAPE HAPPEN

BNC WEB WEB BNC WEB BNC

Begin to 8 197 148 0 188 8 Begins to 4 150 116 1 163 2 Began to 17 156 183 29 170 14 Begun to 4 134 164 1 156 1 Beginning to 2 139 152 9 165 21 Start to 7 164 132 1 280 6 Starts to 2 161 139 1 187 1 Started to 5 192 185 3 212 9 Starting to 2 153 231 3 261 5

Table 4: The frequency of process verbs (‘improve’, ‘take shape’ and ‘happen’) after begin

and start

Three process verbs, ‘improve’, ‘take shape’ and ‘happen’ have been analyzed within the BNC and also the web and the findings show a slightly more increased number of these verbs after begin than after start. That these verbs take non-

agentive subjects is shown by sentences (39-40). These sentences besides being non-agentive also express a gradual coming into being of the occurrence expressed by the complement verb. The meaning of the construction results from the interaction between begin (expressing graduality) and the to-infinitive construction

(referring to a potential future event).

(39) In middle age there are enough things that have to be done with some ulterior motive; it is folly to take up voluntarily anything that may become a taskmaster. Home carpentry, as we have seen in the first of this series of papers, may begin to

show itself … (LOB)

(40) Given good weather, the coming summer*- when the Australians are the visitors*- should be a fair one for the first-class game. But 1962 may well be critical for by then the new look to be given to the game by the committee charged with that task should begin to take shape. And who comes here in 1962? (LOB)

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