The preceding two chapters have used census data which, even though statistically representative, reliable and providing fertility levels and estimates of fertility change, were restricted by the number of variables available. However, the qualitative approach was considered to be necessary in complementing the quantitative approach for better understanding of the fertility differences of the two ethnic groups, Fijians and Indians in Fiji, the increase in fertility of older Fijian women and the slow decline in fertility of Fijians.
Much of the data used in this and subsequent chapters were collected during fieldwork undertaken between September, 1989 and February, 1990 in two ethnically different communities, one Fijian and the other Indian, situated adjacent to each other at Koro and Basti on the island of Viti Levu, Fiji. To protect the identity of the communities pseudonyms have been used and to protect the identity of the respondents identification numbers for the fieldwork have been used. A qualitative approach with fieldnotes, in- depth interviews and case studies yielded insights into the socio-cultural context of reproductive practice. Reproductive behaviour involves sensitive issues such as women's sexuality, postpartum abstinence, abortion, contraceptive use and conflict in values between women and their parents and parents-in-law on these issues. Information on such issues was only forthcoming after rapport had been established between the investigator and the respondents.
This chapter describes the study areas and the respondents. It first describes the variables used in the analysis in subsequent chapters. It then describes the Fijian village, the Indian settlement and their inhabitants. The objective of this chapter is to place the women in the two study communities in their socio-economic and cultural setting. It describes the public facilities available to the two study communities and the
social structure within which the women who are the focus of this study lived, then their individual characteristics such as educational attainment, employment status and ownership of household assets. A comparison of the general socio-economic and cultural characteristics of the two study communities reveals similarities and contrasts within and between them. Such socio-economic and cultural characteristics shape reproductive behaviour.
4.1 Quality of data.
The quality of data is crucial in demographic studies but the quality of age data is particularly important as most demographic measures are dependent on age. Age of all people in the study communities was obtained from birth certificates or marriage certificates, and in the cases of women interviewed in the main questionnaire age was verified by the women's medical cards. The quality of age data can be considered satisfactory.
a. Description of variables
Where some quantitative analysis will be employed in subsequent chapters, the dependent variables are mean age at marriage, mean number o f children ever born, mean duration o f breastfeeding, postpartum abstinence and contraceptive use. The other dependent variables are desired family size, costs of children and benefits of having children such as children as old age insurance and labour services of children in the household. The independent variables are age, educational attainment, employment status and parity.
The unit o f analysis is all Fijian women aged 15-49 years not attending the formal school system and all ever-married Indian women except where it was otherwise stated. It was difficult interviewing single Indian women because single women having reproductive knowledge were perceived as wayward in the Indian community.
84 4.2 The survey villages
a. Fijian villages: Koro, Korodua and Kororua
Although there is no typical Fijian village, villages in Fiji have certain common characteristics. The village society is hierarchically structured and villages are inter related with other villages through traditional customary arrangements (MacNaught,
1982: 64; Overton, 1988: 90-91). A village can claim allegiance from some villages while owing allegiance to others. For example the people of Koro claimed to be bati
(warriors) to the Bau confederacy which is a larger social unit comprising a number of villages. Even today this loyalty is expressed in traditional ceremonies. Houses in Fijian villages are clustered around the village green and the location of one's house largely reflects one's place in the village social structure (Ward, 1987: 34). Village membership is confined largely to those who are members, affines or in some way related to a family group resident in the village; temporary residents such as teachers or priests are temporarily attached to the village chiefs family group, and their role is largely peripheral. The village is the smallest unit of local government administration but its official representative, the turaganikoro, holds very little power (Overton, 1988: 90). The village chief holds real power in the village.
b. Indian settlement: Basti
Like the Fijian settlements, there is no typical Indian settlement but Indian settlements do have certain common characteristics. The Indian settlements are generally dispersed (Mayer, 1963: 15) because settlement is determined by the leases held. Unlike the Fijian villages, the Indian communities are markedly individualistic and very egalitarian, as signified by the community having no accepted leader (Mayer, 1963:
I I H I Study area