El delito de Intrusismo en la legislación extranjera

1.3.2.1 Significance for Conceptions o f Craft

According to Greenhalgh (1997b) the Arts and Craft movement was a catalyst, whereby various concepts o f craft, reported above, were re-formulated.

Although many o f its central tenets were contradictory, the issues derived from the movement continued to frame the debate about craft throughout the

twentieth century (Naylor, 1971; Lucie-Smith, 1981; Anscombe and Gere, 1983; Anscombe, 1991; Gumming and Kaplan, 1991; Stankiewicz, 1992; M acCarthy, 1994; McDermott, 1994; Greenhalgh, 1997b).

The Arts and Crafts movement was founded in the mid-nineteenth century by several upper middle-class Englishmen, who were disturbed by what they considered to be the low quality o f the products o f industry. They claimed these were poorly conceived and executed and spiritually debased (Naylor, 1971; Lucie-Smith, 1981; Anscombe and Gere, 1983; Anscombe, 1991; Gumming and Kaplan, 1991; Stankiewicz, 1992). During the 1860s and 1870s, this movement was dominated by William Morris (1834 - 1896), who founded a company in 1861, with the aim of producing craft artefacts for the home, such as wallpaper and printed textiles, many of which he designed (Naylor, 1971; Anscombe and Gere, 1983; Anscombe, 1991; Gumming and Kaplan, 1991; Stankiewicz, 1992; MacCarthy, 1994). Naylor (1971) states that the production o f these goods was an attempt to revive the principles of mediaeval craft

traditions, which M orris considered to be aesthetically and spiritually superior to the products of industry. For Morris and John Ruskin (1819 - 1900), this endeavour also represented a moral quest to improve society, which led them to assert that ethics and aesthetics were inseparable (Anscombe and Gere, 1983; Harvey and Press, 1991; MacCarthy, 1994; Hilton, 2000).

From the 1880s, the appeal of the movement spread widely and its influence continued to grow, reaching its zenith between 1890 and 1910 (Naylor, 1971; Lucie-Smith, 1981; Anscombe and Gere, 1983; Anscombe, 1991; Gumming

and Kaplan, 1991). Its main relevance to defining craft in England and Wales at the end o f the twentieth century lies in the way it shaped views about the

relationships between conceptions o f craft and (i) industry; (ii) nature; (iii) art and (iv) design. It has also exerted a powerful influence on craft education (Anscombe, 1991; Gumming and Kaplan, 1991; Greenhalgh, 1997b; Harrod, 1999).

1.3.2.2 Polarisation o f Craft and Industry

The leaders of the Arts and Crafts movement considered craft products to be morally and aesthetically superior to those of industry (Naylor, 1971;

Anscombe and Gere, 1983; Sparke, 1986; Anscombe, 1991; Gumming and Kaplan, 1991). In addition, they considered that only craft products could realise the full potential o f the materials from which they were made (Naylor,

1971; Anscombe, 1991; MacCarthy, 1994). According to Anscombe (1991), these views have resulted in a legacy o f hostility to industrial products in

English society throughout the twentieth century. It also bequeathed a belief that craft occupies the moral high ground, in part because it is alleged to be true to materials (Harvey and Press, 1991; Harrod, 1999). It is the Arts and Crafts movement that has led to a concept of craft that excludes the products o f industry and has contributed to industrial craft being overlooked by those scholars who write about craft (Whiteley, 1999).

The ire o f the Arts and Crafts movement was directed especially at those

industrial products that had a previous history of craft production. In particular, they were concerned with items for the home, such as furniture, textiles and tableware, or building materials (Anscombe and Gere, 1983; M acCarthy,

1994). Industrialisation brought about entirely new kinds of products, such as steam locomotives produced by teams of skilled craftspeople (Heskett, 1980). However, there is no mention in the literature from and about the Arts and Craft movement o f these sorts of industrial products. On the contrary, it is a legacy of the Arts and Crafts movement that in English and W elsh society there is a popular assumption that there is a polarisation of craft and industry

(Anscombe, 1991; Dormer, 1997). This has led to craft being associated only with those objects that have a history o f premodern hand manufacture, for example, furniture or woven textiles (Metcalf, 1993).

One o f the main reasons craft was claimed to be morally superior was the presumed harmful effects on workers of industrial labour. This was a major

preoccupation for the main figures o f the Arts and Crafts movement, such as W illiam M orris (Naylor, 1971; Lucie-Smith, 1981; Anscombe and Gere, 1983; Anscombe, 1991; Cumming and Kaplan, 1991; Greenhalgh, 1997a). Naylor (1971) and M acCarthy (1994) explain how M orris contrasted the joy in labour o f a craftsperson, with the misery of the worker in industry. According to this idealised view, craftspeople had the satisfaction of being in control o f the whole process and working according to their own rhythm. M orris and Ruskin

embraced and publicised views, noted previously, that craft work was superior because it placed human values above the needs o f a machine (Anscombe, 1991; Harvey and Press, 1991; Whiteley, 1999). They argued that in contrast the industrial worker was obliged to labour at the pace, and according to the needs o f machines. Like Marx, they claimed that working with machines dehumanises labour and takes away the w orker’s human dignity (Cumming and Kaplan, 1991) and asserted that craft is both morally and spiritually superior (Anscombe and Gere, 1983; MacCarthy, 1994).

1.3.2.3 Rural Bias

Although craft guilds were established in British cities as far back as the eleventh century (Bartlett, 1994), the adherents o f the Arts and Crafts

movement paid little attention to the urban dimension of this tradition o f craft activity. Instead, they decisively associated craft with the vernacular and the myth of the rural idyll, reported previously. They argued that the best way, or even the only way, to practise craft, was to live a simple life in the countryside, in harmony with nature (Lucie-Smith, 1981; Anscombe, 1991; Cumming and Kaplan, 1991; Greenhalgh, 1997a). This romantic association o f craft with a rural way o f life has had a profound influence on the majority English and W elsh population ever since (MacCarthy, 1981; Barnett, 1986; Cumming and Kaplan, 1991), so that 'in every part of the developed world, creative people still choose to opt out of the system, seeking a rural idyll and dedicating themselves to craft work' (McDermott, 1994, p .52).

1.3.2.4 Social Purpose of Art

The leaders o f the Arts and Crafts movement borrowed the idea o f invention and originality from art, which they applied to craft and especially to the design of craft artefacts (Anscombe, 1991). However, Naylor (1971) claims that far from adopting the contemporary nineteenth century paradigm o f the lone.

individual artist, they favoured a collectivist approach. The designers were often not the same as the makers.

The adherents of the Arts and Crafts movement opposed the view o f art for art's sake that was popular towards the end of the nineteenth century. For them, art had a social purpose. The role of the artist was to work towards the

improvement of society, by producing aesthetically pleasing, functional, artefacts. They rejected the Renaissance division between art and craft and sought to re-unite them (Naylor, 1971; Anscombe, 1991; Cumming and Kaplan, 1991; MacCarthy, 1994; Hilton, 2000).

W illiam M orris ‘argued that the capitalist system had created a visually ugly environment and debased design’ (Whiteley, 1999, p. 193). Improving the aesthetics o f the everyday environment was a moral quest. This idea was subsequently adopted by industrial designers. Ironically, the most important aesthetic legacy o f the movement was in the field of design, rather than craft or art (MacCarthy, 1982; Sparke, 1986; McDermott; 1992; Whiteley, 1999).

1.3.2.5 Inconsistencies

The ideas of the Arts and Crafts movement were often contradictory (Naylor, 1971; Lucie-Smith, 1981; Anscombe and Gere, 1983; Anscombe, 1991; Cumming and Kaplan, 1991; MacCarthy, 1994). For example, Cumming and Kaplan (1991) claim its adherents consisted mainly o f an urban, bourgeois elite, who championed rural, working-class values. Although the leading figures of the Arts and Crafts movement claimed that quality craft should be available for all workers, they were not working class themselves and nor were their clients (Naylor, 1971; MacCarthy, 1988; Anscombe, 1991). Naylor (1971) and Anscombe and Gere (1983) stress that the ordinary worker could not have afforded their much more expensive craft products. While not disputing this, it could also be the case that the aesthetic preferences o f workers from a different social group were significantly different and hence they might not have wanted to buy them in any case (MacCarthy, 1982).

Cumming and Kaplan (1991) note that there was a contradiction between the democratic ideals the leaders of the movement espoused and their desire for higher standards o f craftsmanship. Moreover, the movement was on the one hand progressive and in favour of change and on the other hand deeply conservative (Cumming and Kaplan, 1991; Papanek, 1995). For example.

according to Naylor (1971), leaders such as Ruskin advocated originality, while also proposing a revival of craft styles o f the middle-ages. Parker (1986) and M arsh (1996) point out a further contradiction in the way its leaders reinforced traditional, gender stereotypes, while at the same time encouraging women to recognise the aesthetic value of their embroidery. Harrod (1999) draws attention to an apparent contradiction between the advocacy of Morris for craft and his practice of design. In the twentieth century, he has been celebrated as a designer, not a craftsperson.