ÍNDICE MÓDULO
EL PROCESO DE PLANIFICACIÓN
The development of international trade is a crucial component of post-industrial economies as well as their food systems. International trades allow governments to outsource local agricultural production to overseas or agri-business and focus on manufacturing and service business (McMichael, 2004). This model encourages the expansion of urban and industrial economies and Foreign Direct Investment to agricultural business as well as generating a full range of food-related issues: food insecurity, over-nutrition, and ontological insecurity (Dixon et al., 2007).
Food self-sufficiency refers to whether a nation can be self-sufficient to meet all the food needs of its population through domestic supplies, and used to be a national strategy for food security (Food and Agriculture Organization, 2002). It is also important to ensure food available for the local population. However, the development of international trade changed the notion of food security from self-sufficiency to physical and economic access to food and nutrition (Food and Agriculture Organization, 1996). Furthermore, climate change is interrelated to food production and consumption, and it results in increasing nutrition insecurity and chronic diseases (Friel, 2010). Table 4.3 shows the transformation of a country’s food self-sufficiency rate in Australia and Japan based on calories and cereals.
The comparison shows the opposite trends of country’s food self-sufficiency based on total calories and cereals. Japan’s agricultural self-sufficiency has gradually de- creased based on calories and cereals since the 1960s, and instead relied on imports and generated profits of exporting manufactured goods like automobiles. In contrast, over four decades Australia has maintained more than twice the rate of food pro- ductions which require to feed its population. However, having high self-sufficiency based on calorie and cereal productions does not necessarily mean the country can ensure food and nutrition available for their people.
4.1. ECONOMIC SYSTEM AND GLOBALISATION 67 Table 4.3: Self-sufficiency rate by total calories and cereals in Australia and Japan(%) Measurement Year 1961 1971 1981 1991 2001 2011 Calorie Australia 204% 211% 256% 209% 265% 205% Japan 78% 58% 52% 46% 40% 39% Cereal Australia 299% 262% 367% 246% 273% 291% Japan 75% 46% 33% 29% 28% 28%
Source:Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry and Fishries (2014b)(Estimated based on FAO Food Balance Sheets)
Japanese agriculture
Despite increasing pressures from globalisation, Japanese agriculture is heavily influ- enced by domestic politics, rural nostalgia, and consumer’s demands. Particularly, protection of rice has been considered as an obstacle to liberalisation of Japanese market from overseas (Mulgan, 2013). The Japanese government has imposed high tariffs on imported rice and protected the domestic rice market. The vote from the rural farming communities is vital for long term rule of Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) in post-war Japan (George, 1981). Despite the decline of rural farming com- munities along with social changes, electoral reform in 1994 from a single-member district system to a multi-member district system helped strengthen the power of farmer’s votes despite the recent decline of agricultural industries (Horiuchi and Saito, 2010).
Post-war modernisation seems to be contradictory to agriculture and the ru- ral interest and, both elements do not coexist. However, people’s attachment to the rural is much stronger than physical connections. (Kelly, 1986, 604) argued that “rationalisation and nostalgia embody ambivalences fundamental to Japan’s Middle Class Lifeway”. People adopt the language of rationalisation like efficiency and democracy without denying the past. At the same time, they express nos- talgia for certain traditions like regional culture and hometown (fukusato) without considering inefficiency and non-democratic aspects of the past life. Furthermore, the development of rural tourisms induced nostalgia to imaginary hometown among urban Japanese (Creighton, 1997).
The domestic demand for rice has rapidly decreased and been replaced by wheat and meat, despite government’s efforts on protectionism and people’s nostalgia to rural agriculture. The Japanese government and agricultural cooperative (Zen-noh) utilised nostalgic views on rice production, and argued that westernisation (oubei- ka) of Japanese people’s food preference has attributed to the decline of Japan’s food self-sufficiency, and they support the promotion of “Japanese style cuisine”
to improve self-sufficiency (National Federation of Agircultureal Co-operative Asso- ciations, 2013; Cabinet Office, 2006a). There is an alternative argument that the higher price of domestic rice has encouraged Japanese consumers to buy and eat more wheat products (Yamashita, 2009). However, such an argument is masked by nostalgic sentiments perpetuated by media and the government.
Increasing dependence on food imports increases uncertainty and psychological insecurity among Japanese consumers. A number of scandals regarding imported food products, especially a food poisoning incident from frozen dumpling from China in 2008, have been widely broadcast to the Japanese public. The media’s presen- tation of imported food has not only increased the feelings of vulnerabilities of individual consumers in the global market, but also portrayed women and educa- tion for young people as the final defenders of Japanese food security (Rosenberger, 2009).
Despite being hidden behind the popular discussion on self-sufficiency, vegetable and fruit production has increased its presence in Japanese agriculture. The share of vegetable and fruit production have increased. The share of vegetables increased from 7.2% in 1955 to 25.7% in 2012. The share of fruit increased from 4.0% in 1955 to 8.8% in 2012 (Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry and Fishries, 2014a). In contrast, the share of rice production has dropped from 52.0% share in 1955 to 23.8% in 2012 (Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry and Fishries, 2014a). More new young farm- ers choose vegetables and fruit production (Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry and Fishries, 2013). Furthermore, public health incentives will increase more demands for vegetable and fruit farmers.
Australian agriculture
In contrast to Japanese agriculture, Australian agriculture became an active player in global food economy. Historically, Australia focused on exporting its products overseas (Henzell, 2007). Australia translated global trends like neo-liberal agenda more quickly than other commonwealth countries (Coleman and Skogstad, 1995). Today, Australia is a major producer and exporter of agricultural products including meats, wheat, and dairy products (Australian Bureau of Statistics, 2015d) which increase export capacity for value added foods in the international market.
One of reasons for Australia’s adaptation to global market compared to Japan is the absence of resistance from peasant agricultures. More specifically, Australia is the only continent which does not have a history of peasant agriculture which is built on the interplay between people’s ways of life and soils (Symons, 2007, 7). Australian agriculture is modern and industrial-based (Dixon et al., 2007). British
4.2. SOCIAL SYSTEM AND INEQUALITY 69 settlers brought modern technology from home and established industrial agriculture which enabled them to feed growing urban population and produce a variety of food regardless of geographic and seasonal variations. Furthermore, migrants from various regions have brought their culinary cultures and enhanced diversification of food supply and eating practices.
The modern and efficient agriculture and food systems, however, generate some social and health problems. The current Australian food system is vulnerable to the impact of climate change as well as nutrition insecurity (Friel, 2010). Prolonged drought and extreme weather events affect availability and price of food and the price rise greatly impacts on socially and economically disadvantaged populations. According to an empirical study by Kettings et al. (2009), the cost of nutritiously balanced foods occupy about 40% of the disposable income of welfare-dependent families, compared to 20% of average income families. Furthermore, socio-economic disparities and nutrition insecurity is more severe in rural areas, and the urban-rural disparity is rather exacerbated by the current food policies (Dixon et al., 2007).
The economic shift from industrial to post-industrial societies has impacts on a nation’s economic structures, labour market, and food system. Both Australia and Japan have followed similar trajectories toward post-industrial economics dominated by service industries and departing from peasant agricultural practices. However, their experiences of economic transformation were very different due to different structures of labour markets, industries including agriculture, and national responses to globalisation. The next Section draws attention to social welfare systems in the two countries, and their responses to new social risks including socio-economic disparity in post-industrial societies.
4.2
Social system and inequality
The transformation of the social system is another important aspect of post-industrial societies, because social demands are shaped by economic and social changes. Like many European countries, Australia and Japan have faced similar social changes: liberalisation of employment, population ageing, and globalisation. At the same time, these two countries focused on labour market and economic policies to en- hance people’s welfare. In particular, both have maintained relatively lower public expenditures and lower government’s intervention to working conditions and benefits for new types of employments compared to European countries. Due to little regula- tion to labour market, Australian and Japanese labour markets are more likely to be influenced by market economy than European countries. This Section examines the
transformation of welfare states and social construction of inequality in Australian and Japanese societies.