El sector hotelero en Segovia

Lawrence displayed an independent curiosity toward natural history before he had been introduced to Hooker, recording weather observations and

thermometer readings alongside most diary entries. He collected seeds from plants surrounding his property, as well as planting some Australian natives such as Hibiscus. By late 1829 he had begun to employ the Linnaean classification system, and clearly enjoyed the challenge of identifying different species, such as in the genus Anthericum (now Bulbine). In this task Lawrence displayed his grasp upon taxonomy, first examining the leaves before turning to the anthers to

determine distinct characters to separate the species.11 His prime reference text in 1831 was an 1806 edition of Turton’s Linnaeus, which he found frustrating to use as it lacked most of the genera found in Australia.12 His later acquisition of

Smith’s Introduction to Botany would have opened up new areas for research, and Brown’s Prodromus even more again.13

When it came to expanding his botanical education, Lawrence at first relied solely upon the scientific texts he had brought from England, and

10 _{W.J. Hooker, ‘Contributions Towards a Flora of Van Diemen's Land’, Companion to the} Botanical Magazine... 1 (1835), pp. 272-277.

11 _{R.W. Lawrence diary, 21-24 Oct, 6 – 8 Dec 1829, QVMAG CHS 53 33/2.}

12 _{As early as 1822 Loudoun criticised Turton’s Linnaeus as being ‘very imperfect’, but agreed it} was the best global overview of plants available at the time. J.C. Loudon, An Encyclopaedia of Gardening… (London, 1822), p. 484.

13 _{Lawrence received a copy of the Prodromus along with the current edition of Botanical} Miscellany from Hooker in May 1831, immediately engaging with the natural system as used by Brown. R.W. Lawrence to W.J. Hooker, 20 May 1831, Burns and Skemp, VDL Correspondents, p. 16.

discussions with his father. There were some attempts to form scientific societies in southern Van Diemen's Land in the late 1820s, but these usually fell apart due to political and social tensions. In Hobart the Van Diemen's Land Mechanics’ Institute enjoyed peaks and troughs in attendance. Although counting few tradesmen amongst its members, it strove to provide a lecture series on practical subjects such as astronomy, chemistry and steam engines.14

At the end of 1829 the recently arrived Dr John Henderson sought to create a more elite cultural group, the Van Diemen's Land Philosophical Society, that could publish on local topics and establish a natural history museum. Despite his relative isolation in the north of the colony, Lawrence was keen to be

involved, applying for the appointment of gardener to the society, but was dismayed when he received no reply to his letter.15 Falling foul of several powerful colonists, Henderson’s expansive plans collapsed, the society limping along for a year before dissipating. As Colin Finney concludes, before the mid- 1830s individuals, not groups, undertook the substantial work on natural history in Van Diemen’s Land. 16

While there was no formal local group for Lawrence to join, there were individuals who shared his fascination for native plants. His father William was a

14 _{C. Finney, Paradise Revealed: Natural History in Nineteenth-Century Australia (Melbourne,} 1993), pp. 32-39.

15 _{R.W. Lawrence diary, 27 Dec 1829, 11 Jan 1830, QVMAG CHS 53 33/2. This group was} established by the energetic surgeon John Henderson, who attempted to create group of gentlemen to discuss natural history. Amongst other things, he wanted to radically revise botanical

nomenclature. Henderson’s scope combined with elitism caused divisiveness and a rapid downturn in interest. Within two months the society was struggling, and Henderson left for New South Wales in March 1830. Matthew Curling Friend injected some enthusiasm in May, but interest had waned and the society had folded by Christmas of that year. Henderson had initially envisioned an experimental garden and a natural history museum, but the garden the Lawrence applied to tend did not eventuate. Further discussion of this society and other similar groups can be found in Finney, Paradise Revealed, pp. 35-38.

botanical enthusiast and often accompanied his son on day walks around Launceston. Robert was friendly with other gentlemen in town, dining at their houses and taking field trips with them. Being unmarried in 1830, his most constant companions in the field were his convict servants.

When he did marry in 1832, it was to Anne Emily Wedge, the niece of the government surveyor, a man with a long-standing interest in natural history (it was from Wedge that Lawrence borrowed a microscope in 1829).17 Anne proved to be an excellent wife for a naturalist, learning how to skin and stuff birds that were sent on to William Hooker’s second son Joseph. Hooker remarked she had done ‘very well indeed’, particularly as she could not have had much experience beforehand. Indeed, he believed her to be ‘a most excellent coadjutor’, and provided hints for even better results, and the offer of any other equipment she may desire to pursue the practice.18

On collecting trips Lawrence was almost always accompanied by his servant George Morand. If Morand was unavailable, Lawrence’s other servant Dredge would join him.19 The benefits of knowing the colonial environment were clear to many settlers. They would commonly examine the stone, soil and

minerals on their property, or the content of water in nearby springs. They loaned books and equipment to each other, discussing their findings in the evenings by the fireside.20 Lawrence recognized the value of sharing knowledge with others,

17 _{R.W. Lawrence diary, 6 Dec 1829, QVMAG CHS 53 33/2.}

18 _{R.W. Lawrence to W.J. Hooker, 15 May and 16 May 1833, Burns and Skemp, VDL} Correspondents, pp. 24-25; W.J. Hooker to R.W. Lawrence, 27 Dec 1833, ML GC 8. Unbeknownst to Hooker, both Robert and Anne were dead at the time he wrote this letter. 19 _{George Morand was an experienced plant collector before arriving in the colony. His story is} further discussed in chapter 3.

20 _{Aside from the example of Wedge’s microscope, Lawrence examined a ‘chrystalized substance’} from Dr. Westbrook that proved to be silver nitrate along with some amber; he shared and

joining settler Francis Lord in an attempt to establish a ‘hebdomadal meeting for the purpose of improving ourselves in the science of Chemistry and Botany’. At their inaugural session they read and discussed Thomas Thompsons’s Introduction to The Elements of Chemistry, followed by the introduction to James Smith’s An Introduction to Physiological and Systematical Botany. This seemed a promising start to a gentleman’s discussion group, but it ended abruptly, as Lawrence was so unwell that night he had to go early to bed.21 Although the meeting was a success, the pair did not meet again that year.

Having a wealth of family properties to visit increased Lawrence’s exposure to different types of colonial landscape. Between 1829 and 1833 he traversed the north of the island from his base in Launceston, northeast to St. Paul’s Plains, northwest to Cape Grim, south to Nugent, and southwest to ‘Formosa’ at Cressy (fig. 5). In 1830 he cut though the centre of the island, walking from his house through the highland lakes and southeast to Richmond and Sorell.

discussed books with Mr. Ashburner, at whose house Lawrence and Morand stayed when a field trip was interrupted for two days by heavy rain, Lawrence later repaying the favour with packets of native seeds; he also had dinner with a Captain Ashmore who brought with him his sextant and ‘false Harrison’ – a chronometer – with which they observed the latitude and longitude of Launceston. R.W. Lawrence diary, 14 May, 24-25 Jul, 13 Aug 1830, 6 Feb 1831, QVMAG CHS 53 33/2.

Figure 5 Map of Robert Lawrence’s collecting localities in Van Diemen's Land, 1829-1833.

Between Launceston and ‘Formosa’, he passed the magnificent Cataract Gorge to get to Entally, before moving west towards Deloraine, then south along the Liffey River. This was open dry forest, dominated by the twisted grey trunks of Eucalyptus and the brown-green pendants of Allocasuarina. Hot-dry winds blew through the leaves, dead branches cracked under foot, and dry ribbons of bark hung from trunks, piled in branches and heaped at the bases of the trees. An understorey of tall, rangey Acacia, Hakea and Bedfordia provided loose,

contrasting greens, and Poa grew in large tussocks amidst the scrub. Climbing up onto the central plateau the air became sharper, with the vegetation adapting to suit. Here the same species became stunted, and were replaced by hardier sorts – Eucalypus gunnii for E. amygdalina, Hakea epiglottis for H. lissosperma. This region was described ten years later for a London audience:

on reaching the top you become exposed to the full force of the westerly wind, which is at that altitude cold even in the height of summer, as compared to the temperature you had been enjoying in your ascent on the lee side of the range…The shrubs cling close to the surfaces of the rocks, and in sheltered gullies and small valleys alone do the plants venture to erect themselves in their natural position.22

The weather could change suddenly, bringing in rain, freezing temperatures or blinding cloud obscuring all view of surroundings. It was the manner in which these different environments occurred so close to each other that excited both colonial collectors like Lawrence, and London’s scientific elite.

22 _{R.C. Gunn, ‘Extract of a Letter from Ronald Gunn, Esq. Van Diemen's Land’, The London} Journal of Botany III (1844), p. 487.