Elementos arquitectónicos

Graduate employability in a changing labour market and the role of HE in graduate employability are topics of conversation and contestation amongst various stakeholders (governments, academics, employers, parents, students). At the end of this study I am acutely aware of the multitude of perspectives on the role and purpose of HE (Barnett 2004; Blessinger 2015b; Hanson 2014; Teichler 2015), and specifically within the context of this study, the role of HE with regard to graduate employability (Barrie 2012; Stiwne & Alves 2010; Yorke & Harvey 2005). Many academics resist a neo-liberal approach of commodifying knowledge and turning universities into ‘a sausage machine for lawyers, accountants, MBAs and others deemed economically necessary for the economy’ (Everatt 2016:1). On the other hand, the need for graduates with specific skills and training is reiterated by employers and policy-makers. Whichever perspective one holds, what cannot be denied is that graduate employability ‘sits at the heart of contemporary considerations of the nature and purpose of higher education and its relationship to society and the economy’ (Tomlinson & Holmes 2016:1).

In a recent report (McCowan 2016) on the positioning of universities in relation to employability and development in Africa, HE is seen as playing a pivotal role in development at all levels. The role of HE in fostering high level research and technological capacity in the knowledge economy is recognised, but producing professionals who will play leading roles in the provision of health, education, public administration and more, is highlighted as fundamental. Furthermore, the impact of HE is not restricted to those who enter HE and complete a qualification, but could stretch much further to change communities. This is particularly pertinent in SA where, after 22 years of being a democratic society, the Gini coefficient ranges between 0.66 to 0.70 making the country one of the most unequal in the world. Persistent inequality has led to much turmoil and discontent, and in my opinion, is now acutely evident in the current student protests labelled the #FeesMustFall movement. I contend that student demonstrations and demands for free higher education speak to a need that goes beyond education. It is about improving lives. Students want to enter HE because, for most students and their parents, HE equates getting a good job and a quality life. Media headlines fuel this perspective (Jobbins 2015; Supiano 2015). The core of the issue is therefore graduate employability, and finding employment in a changed labour market.

In Chapter one, as well as in Articles one and two, I painted a picture of the changed labour market in which the graduates have to function. The labour market is informed by a post-industrialised knowledge-driven economy in which the need for work-ready graduates with specific skills is emphasised. Amongst these skills is the ability to adapt to continuous fluctuations in the market and a willingness to be a lifelong learner (Tomlinson 2012). HE is thus required to deliver employable graduates, and in most countries, as in SA, the need for economic growth and social wellbeing led governments to apply additional pressure on HE to do so (Blessinger 2015b).

In Chapter one and Article one, I also explicated the response of HE to this pressure. Although most academics do not concede to a narrow neo-liberal view of HE as simply having to produce employable graduates (Tynjälä, Välimaa & Sarja 2003), most HEIs globally have incorporated the preparation of employable graduates as a manifest part of their purpose (BIS 2011; Griesel & Parker 2009). In SA it seems as if the incorporation of employability as focus of HE is mainly on a policy level (CHE

2014, DHET 2013; DST 2007; NPC 2011), and little is done at the institutional level. Recent research by Walker and Fongwa (2016) highlights employability initiatives by some HEIs in SA, but these initiatives, which vary in range and effectiveness, speak of ‘pockets’ of focus on graduate employability rather than a holistic, inclusive incorporation of graduate employability into the role of HE as a whole.

In SA much is done to widen access to HE for previously underserved groups. Overall student numbers have increased by 23 per cent from 2008 to 2013 with the black student numbers in particular increasing with 34 per cent (CHE 2013). In addition, many interventions are in place to support previously underserved and historically disadvantaged students to graduate succesfully (DHET 2013). Hence, school learners are supported to become students; students are supported to become graduates, but who supports graduates to become employees? Who supports graduates in making the transition into first-time employment – a transition which is considered one of the most important life phases? What happens to graduates aiming for employment after graduation?

Most research attempting to answer these questions uses the number of graduates who secure full-time graduate jobs within six months of graduation as an indicator of graduate employability (Bridgstock 2009; Dacre Pool et al. 2014). This postulation is problematic since ‘employability’ is then conflated with ‘employment’. The assumption further lacks validity since firstly, many graduates take longer than six months to secure appropriate employment (Dacre Pool et al. 2014), and secondly, factors such as the status of the HE institution attended, the mode of study, student location and mobility, subject of study, previous work experience, age, ethnicity, gender and social class, all of which influence the employment process, are not acknowledged (Harvey 2001). There is a paucity of research explaining the experiences of graduates during the transition into employment and the negotiation of their career paths (Mourshed et al. 2013; Okay-Somerville & Scholarios 2015; Teichler 1999). This study contributes to the body of knowledge in this field by exploring the journeys of 46 graduates in their transition from graduate to first-time employment. The research is phronetic as the analysis of the graduates’ journeys expounded the complexities involved in these transitions, explicated the factors that

shape these journeys and suggest practical action to address the issues at hand based on sound theory (Tomlinson & Holmes 2016).

Since the graduates all graduated in 2010, they had the benefit of hindsight in reflecting on their career journeys after being in the labour market for approximately five years. The exploration of their journeys was guided by the main research question:

‘What were the experiences of first-time entrants into the labour market during their transition from graduate to employee?’

Four sub-questions informed the main research question namely:

1. What strategies did these students employ at university in order to graduate successfully?

2. What strategies did these students employ to secure employment? 3. How is success in the workplace understood by these graduates?

4. How, according to these students, did their degree studies feed back into their jobs?

As discussed in Chapter one, the research was conducted according to an interpretive qualitative approach. The collected data were analysed with three different theoretical ‘lenses’ and presented as three articles. In the next three sections, I give an overview of the three articles and explicate how they each contributed to answering the research questions.

6.3 Article 1: From graduate to employee: exploring students’ transition from