EMA y las tecnologías de la información y la comunicación (TICs)

In the social science faction, rip current studies are utilising the physical studies mentioned previously to understand the human interactions with rips (Sherker et al., 2008). It is thought that by investigating how people behave on the beach and in rip currents, and how they perceive the risk of rip currents, strategies can be implemented to change behaviours and educate beach users (Ballantyne et al., 2005; Sherker et al., 2008; McCool et al., 2009; White and Hyde 2010; Brander et al., 2011; Drozdzewski et al., 2012; Caldwell et al., 2014).

1.10.1 Beach safety and rip current knowledge

Several studies conducted in Australia found that beach users have a poor knowledge of rip currents (Ballantyne et al., 2005; Williamson et al., 2008; 2012; Sherker et al., 2010). Almost 80% of Australians surveyed by Williamson et al. (2008) were aware of common beach safety advice such as swimming parallel to the shore to escape, but only 40% could identify a rip current despite the majority of 80% saying they could. In addition, half the respondents indicated that rip currents were the safest place to swim. Some people find swimming in waves difficult, and quite often enter the water to swim in the seemingly ‘calmer’ rip current due to its lack of waves. Ballantyne et al. (2005) reported 20% of respondents as saying “calm water means it is safe to swim”.

Different methods to assess rip current knowledge include using pictures of rip currents (Sherker et al., 2010; Branstromm et al., 2014), by asking people to draw their interpretation of a rip current (Caldwell et al., 2014), and by assessing rip current ‘survivors’ (Drozdzewski et al., 2012). In drawing rip schematics, Caldwell et al. (2014) acknowledged, those producing a more accurate drawing had a greater knowledge of rips and were also more able to identify a rip current. Ballantyne et al. (2005) discovered that 62% of respondents knew what a rip current was, but the majority could not actually recognise one.

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Drozdzewski et al. (2012) found that knowledge of rip currents is greater in people who have experienced being caught in a rip current. They argue that experience of a rip current is the best way to avoid one in the future, because there is an expectation as to what may happen and can therefore remain calm. This is echoed by Sherker et al. (2010) who found those with rip experience are better placed to make decisions about where to enter the water, and are more confident in their reaction if caught in one. Despite some beach users having knowledge of rip currents and hazards, it is clear that this knowledge is not always put into practice (Ballantyne et al., 2005).

More recently, research in the US highlighted a generally poor public understanding of rip currents (Caldwell et al., 2013; Branstromm et al., 2014). Caldwell et al. (2013) noted respondents had a poor knowledge of rip current dynamics, identified that less than 20% were able to identify rip channels and currents, and were found to be overconfident in their ability to do so. Branstromm et al. (2014) found only 13% of respondents were able to identify a rip current, and of those people it was acknowledged that being able to notice wave patterns was crucial in identifying rip locations. Worryingly however, the study also found that people who go to the beach more often are less able to identify rips. It appears there is a slightly better understanding of beach safety issues in Australia (Ballantyne et al., 2005) compared to the US, which shows a possible cultural difference.

Ballantyne et al. (2005, p.617) argue that to effectively raise awareness of rip currents through education and public available information “management needs to identify current knowledge and perceptions of beach environments.” Indeed this is reiterated by White and Hyde (2010) who concluded that the more effort put in to establishing behaviour of beach users will ultimately lead to more effective education campaigns to reduce fatalities and incidents.

1.10.2 Behaviour

Observing the behaviours of people at the beach is important because it can help us to understand why people act in certain ways – is it because of a lack of knowledge, is it thrill seeking, is it a desire for isolation, or is it defiance? On beaches around the world lifeguard patrols advise on the safest areas to swim, often placing red and yellow flags as a guide, or coloured flags to indicate levels of risk (Brander and MacMahan, 2011). International research on beach safety flags has shown that people are safest to enter the ocean between the

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patrol flags, and that most fatalities occur outside these areas (Wilks et al., 2007; Sherker et al., 2010).

A large number of studies have shown that despite an understanding of the flag systems, there are still people who choose not to enter the water in these safe locations (Ballantyne et. al., 2005; McCool et al., 2008; Sherker et al., 2010; Branstromm et al., 2014). The reasons for these behaviours are not fully understood, but some researchers relate it to psychological actions (White and Hyde, 2010) and wanting to exercise control over personal actions (Williamson et al., 2012).

Ballantyne et al. (2005) discovered that 68% of respondents indicate they would swim between the flags on a patrolled beach, yet in reality only 32% actually did. The study identified differences between Australian and international students, and found 90% of the domestic students stated they would swim between the flags compared to 51% of the international students. Firstly, this highlights cultural differences, where Australians are mostly brought up with and surrounded by beach culture and lifesavers (Booth, 2001), but secondly that international visitors might not always understand the language and safety messages or signs (Ballantyne et al., 2005). For these reasons, international tourists have long been a key target audience for Australian beach safety messages, and highlight the importance of using specific strategies for different groups (Williamson et al., 2012).

The exhaustion which can overcome people swimming or paddling directly against a rip current back to shore (Drozdzewski et al., 2012) is a major hurdle for beach safety practitioners to address to prevent drownings in rips. One of the most clear and well promoted rip current safety messages is ‘don’t swim against a rip current’. This message is not always observed due to underlying psychological reasons and individual situations (Brander et al., 2011) when experience a rip current.

The Theory of Planned Behaviour (TPB) is a conceptual model (Figure 1.10) for reasoned action providing a framework of understanding, predicting, and changing human social behaviour, brought to prominence by Ajzen (1991). The model displays the reasons behind decision making where the central factor of peoples’ behaviour is their intention to perform it (White and Hyde, 2010). This includes a risk versus benefit evaluation, any social pressures, and the ease or difficulty in which it can be carried out. TPB is particularly important to discuss because people’s attitudes towards beach safety, in addition to the decisions they make and behaviours they perform when at the beach, are central to the research within this thesis. Additionally, the TPB explains the steps towards behaviour change, which is the

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ultimate goal for beach safety practitioners, such as changing motivations to attend a lifeguarded beach, or to swim between the flags. The TPB is also a consideration in the development of the rip current education pilot in Chapter 6. White and Hyde (2010, p.1832) describe the foundation of the model:

Intention is influenced by attitude (positive or negative evaluation of performing the behaviour), subjective norm (perceived social pressure to perform or not perform the behaviour), and perceived behavioural control (perceptions or ease of difficulty in relation to behavioural performance; also said to impact directly on behaviour).

Figure 1.10 - The Theory of Planned Behaviour showing the influences on a person and the

steps they take to perform a specific behaviour (Adapted from Ajzen, (1991)).

This is linked to the earlier discussion that risk is driven by society, culture, and bias, and how influences of perceived and acceptable risk impact on peoples’ behaviour. White and Hyde (2010) found that the TPB model allows risk perceptions to be incorporated when predicting swimming behaviours and intentions at the beach, and that attitudes, subjective norms, pressure from others and underlying cultural factors all influenced behaviour.