Enfoque practico

Vertical tensions as an impact of the implementation of autonomy may be overwhelming and varied, according to the sector of government policy. Watts argued that even Canada, as the most successful country in implementing federalism, as explained previously, is still working on creating interdependence and faces competition between governments; there is much positive cooperation but conflict as well145.

“The important factor affecting the operation of the Canadian federal system is the political culture that is expressed in the attitudes, beliefs and values that affect the political behaviour of politicians and citizens in Canada”146.

This political culture factor Watts describes in the Canada example stems from, firstly, the economic bases of the provinces, such as the main products, industries and development, including interaction with other countries. Secondly, it is affected by the different ethnicities, cultures and traditions that promote the consciousness of the provinces. The geographical location of the provinces has influenced interaction patterns. For example, the eastern and western extremities have felt remote from central Canada; those residing near the Atlantic coast tend to interact with Europe; those near the Pacific look more to Asia for business. Yet the most tangible impact of these developments is the promotion of the empowered provincial identity, which obviously needs the central government’s political attention147. Watts suggested that the central government elite seem to be worried about the dynamic changes occurring, which may threaten policy. The increasing evolution, based on pragmatic development of inter-governmental practices and collaboration, has influenced internal political, social and economic pressures, bringing about changing conditions and circumstances, resulting in many crises to manage. Also, the future of the Canadian federation is quite dependent on the structure, practices and political culture148.

145 _{Watts, Ronald D., (2000), “Federalism and Diversity in Canada”, in Ghai, Yash (eds), Autonomy}

and Ethnicity: Negotiating Competing Claims in Multi-ethnic States, United Kingdom, Cambridge University Press, pp. 29-52

146 _{Watts, R.D., (2000), p. 31} 147

Watts, R.D., (2000), p. 32 148 _{Watts, R.D., (2000), p. 49}

Most notable about the success of Canada is not just that it is the first country to introduce such ‘autonomy’ or federation (ie, in 1860) but also the specific case of Quebec. The two major populations, French and English, who were experiencing horizontal tensions between them, were given the authority from central government to manage their own affairs; this has resulted in a peaceful, harmonious situation. There was indeed a movement from the people in Quebec, however it was based on the demand for national self-determination and greater autonomy, combined with continued unity with (and not succession from) the rest of Canada, and not a referendum149.

Based on the examples, referred to by Forsyth and Wiessner, and cited by Watts, it is argued that the impacts of federalism based on mono-ethnic groups can be maintained quite easily, while federalism incorporating multi-ethnic groups within each state or province can be difficult to manage. Yet these statements have been responded by Elazar (1993) in Watts, by arguing with regard to the historical formulation of the federal or autonomous government that:

“… mono-ethnic federations, such as the United States, Australia and Germany, have faced fewer difficulties. Nevertheless, the persistence of federal systems in Switzerland and Canada for over a century, in India for half a century and in Malaysia for over three decades suggests that, under certain conditions, multi-ethnic federations can be sustained”150

.

Similarly, vertical tensions have also occurred in China, between central and local governments, during the implementation of autonomy, resulting in crucial problems. In the case of Tibet, Ghai argued that, although, conceptually, the region was given the right to determine its own needs in politics, religion, customs, language and education, it was agreed that any reform in the region would be carried out locally, under their leader, the Dalai Lama, and that the central government would never interfere with the internal administration of Tibet. However, the reformation was described by most in Tibet as intervention by the central government, in particular, as an effort to introduce communist ideology and also to influence Tibetans’ way of life. Although the central government declared no wrong had been done, the Tibetans held to their interpretation and formally rejected all of the agreement. War could not be avoided, which resulted in the escape of the Dalai Lama to India. According to Dreyer, the perspective of Beijing’s central elite was that “giving Tibet real autonomy would surely

149

Watts, R.D., (2000), p. 48 150 _{Watts,R.D., (2000), p. 40}

stimulate demands for comparable treatment from other areas”151

. Therefore, the reforms dictated by Beijing were described in propaganda as being to improve the life of the Tibetans. Dreyer in fact asserted that recent reports on Tibet’s economic growth were actually due to contributions of foreign intervention.

Vertical relationships, between the central and local governments, can be impacted on by different perceptions and interpretations of what ‘autonomy’ means in practice. Sukma asserts that the Indonesian government is experiencing such impacts, both vertically, between the central and the local governments, and, also, horizontally, between the local governments. As the principle of ‘autonomy’ is to devolve powers to the districts, and not to the provinces (see Introduction), Sukma identified the vertical conflicts as between: “(a) the central government and the provinces; (b) provinces and districts (kabupaten); (c) the central government and the districts” 152. He identified horizontal conflicts as being between: “(d) the districts and (e) the provinces”153. Sukma supports this by describing points that can be influential conflict factors, such as the interpretation of the fiscal balance between central and regions, territorial borders between provinces and between districts or cities, resources, and other associated items which previously were managed jointly.

Fanany suggested that the potential triggers might not be just the different perceptions held by the central government and the regions regarding the vision and mission of regional autonomy, but also the inadvertency of the implementers154. Hope argues that the readiness and capacity of the recipients of decentralised authority has militated against progress155. In Bostwana, as the most successful country in Africa in implementing regional autonomy, factors like local guidelines, laws and sources and quality of the manpower have influenced progress156. These instruments were very useful for the local authorities in carrying out the new tasks and responsibilities given by the central government. In addition, Rhoten found that, in Argentina, the capability of local people to correctly interpret the vision and mission of regional autonomy, and to react properly, were believed to be the keys to achieving its

151 _{Dreyer, June Taufel, (2004), China’s Political System: Modernization and Tradition, Fourth}

edition, New York, Pearson Education, Inc., P.310 152 _{Sukma, Rizal (2003), P.70}

153

Sukma, Rizal (2003), P.70

154 _{Fanany, Ismet (2003), “The first year of autonomy: The case of Sumatra”, in Kingbury, Damien} and Aveling, Harry (2003), (eds) Autonomy and Disintegration in Indonesia, London and New York, Routledge Curzon, p. 185

155 _{Hope, Kempe Ronald Snr (2000), “Decentralization and local governance theory and the practice in} Botswana”, Development Southern Africa, Vol. 17, No 4, October

goals157. Sukma agreed,by stating that the impediment to the success of autonomy is lack of capacity of the local people to carry out the national policy and programs, such as is recently happening in Indonesia158. Similarly, Bella also discovered that the officials’ capability to understand and implement the autonomy law and its regulations is also a factor influencing the progress of autonomy, which in turn elevates the conflicts with the recipients of the services 159.

Ramage reported that, in Indonesia, the vertical relationship between the central and local governments is improving160. It is obvious that there are some arguments about the responsibilities of each level of governments. For example, Law 25/2000 is considered to be unclear in differentiating between the authority of central and provincial governments. However, this law is useful in guiding all levels of government in implementing program developments. In the education sector, the curriculum-based competency (KBK) has been introduced nationally, by allowing local governments to formulate their own strategies for success, rather than being dictated to by the central government. This compromise strategy is considered as benefiting both sides as, on the one hand, it encourages the local governments to improve their capability and, on the other, the central government functions as the facilitator161.

With regard to VSE, the topic of this research, there are indications that the introduction of regional autonomy has stimulated local governments to provide good programs, other than just the ‘nine years compulsory education’, as per national policy. Ramage reported that, in Deli Serdang District, in North Sumatra Province, the local government, through the Local Education Office (EOD), introduced ‘Community Learning Hours’. This program is aimed at making it compulsory for pupils to have at least two hours of study time per day. Teams were established to control the program. In Salatiga City, in Middle Java Province, ‘Community Learning and Activity Centres’ were created, while in other provinces, in Bandung City and Kebumen District, the local governments have been working cooperatively with the community, trying to re-evaluate the existing primary schools and rehabilitate their school

157

Rhoten, Diana (2000), “Education decentralization in Argentina: a ‘global-local conditions of possibility’ approach to state, market, and society change”, Journal Education Policy, Vol 15, No. 6, pp. 593-619, Available [online], http://www.tandf.co.uk/journals, [7 October, 2004]

158 _{Sukma, Rizal, (2003), P.70} 159

Bella, Burhanuddin (2004), “It is compulsory for humans to make an effort, but let God decide”, (original title “Manusia wajib berusaha, tapi Tuhan yang menentukan”), Available [online],

http://www.pdk.go.id/go.php?a=1&to=f749, [16 August 2005]

160 _{Ramage, Douglas E. (2002), “Indonesian Rapid Development Appraisal (IRDA)”, The Asia}

Fondation, Second Edition, Jakarta, Available [online],

http://www.asiafoundation.com/resources/pdfs/1IRDA5english.pdf [26 May 2011] 161 _{Ramage, Douglas E. (2002)}

buildings162. Baedowie, as cited by Bella, asserted that regional autonomy has had some positive impacts on the education sector. However, the reality is that local governments and local communities also have concerns163. This thesis will explore, discuss and analyse these issues, in the specific context of the development of VSE.

Besides the ‘vertical’ tensions, tensions have also been felt horizontally in various countries where regional autonomy has been introduced. Both Ghai and Dreyer are interested in analysing the intervention of the Han ethnic group in China, who hold dominant roles in most areas. As discussed earlier, China has some fifty four ethnic minorities and the one majority group, the Han. Ghai uses the term Han chauvinism to refer to Han arrogance towards and contempt for minorities, rooted in Confucian perception of them as barbarians; local chauvinism refers to minorities’ assertion of self-determination. Geographically, the minorities have occupied a larger area (60%) and more prosperous areas, compared to the Han, who have lived in densely-populated areas. However, the Han were cleverer, invading the minorities’ areas, which contained minerals and other resources.

“There is considerable resentment about this influx, which is aggravated by increasing economic disparities between them and the local people”164

.

While Sukma supported these opinions by describing some points from the implementation of regional autonomy in Indonesia that can be influential in horizontal conflicts, such as the interpretation of territorial borders between provinces, as well as between districts/cities, resources, and other items which previously were jointly managed. Sulekale identified that competition is arising between local governments in Indonesia to improve their local revenue and that this can stimulate serious problems. The local laws, which are rapidly being formulated by the local governments, reflect their responsiveness to positioning themselves as autonomous. However, some of them are considered to be over-reacting. An example is a local law created to determine their territory and authority by building portals at their borders and introducing retributions and tariffs for passing trucks carrying commodities from other locations165.

Bella, Burhanuddin (2004), “It is compulsory for human to make an effort, but let God decide”, (original title “Manusia wajib berusaha, tapi Tuhan yang menentukan”), Available [online], http://www.pdk.go.id/go.php?a=1&to=f749, [16 August 2005]

164 _{Ghai, Yash, (2000), p. 79}

165 _{Sulekale, Dalle Daniel (2003), “The Urgency of Amendment for the Regional Autonomy Law”,} (original title “Urgensi Amandemen Undang-undang Otonomi Daerah”), Available [online],

At a symposium in Kutai Barat District, East Kalimantan Province (one of the thirty three Provinces in Indonesia) it was identified that almost 250 cases of horizontal conflicts have occurred. However, success stories are also encountered. For example, in Wonosobo District, Middle Java Province, the harmony between the local communities, local legislative members and non profit organizations (NGOs) are reflected in their working cooperatively to formulate community-based local forestry management laws. In Gorontalo, Sulawesi, the people, NGOs and local government have re-aligned control over traditional fisheries166.

In conclusion, the implementation of regional autonomy can influence the vertical and horizontal relationships of the bureaucracy. Vertical conflict is created by misinterpretation of the constitution or the guidelines for the foundation of regional autonomy (in Indonesia) or ‘autonomy’ or federation (in other countries) itself, but also by the strategies used by the initiators. Similarly, horizontal disputes between the recipients of regional autonomy are also caused by these issues, however the readiness of the recipients is also an influential factor. The key to success is proper preparation, including mutual understanding between the initiator or provider and recipients.