Ensayo de ventiladores industriales in situ

Together, industrialization and migration from Britain and the colonies as well as

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24 In addition, continued war with France on the continent and a decrease in monarchical power within Britain, helped celebrate Britain’s national liberty, a constitutive part of its social and civic duty (Colley, 1984).

between the colonies would serve to further encourage a sense of Britain overseas (Gaines, 2012; Rush, 2011; Varadarajan, 2008). Industrial developments across Britain underscored Britain’s naval expansion (Devine, 2011) allowing for the transportation of people as well as encouraging investment in the developing colonies (Devine, 2011). Many Scottish workers, driven out by a British domestic economy that failed to provide enough jobs for its growing labour force (MacKenzie, 1998;

Pugh, 2008), looked towards the colonies for work. Accordingly:

although the administration and legal systems of empire seemed to be predominantly English, the Scots set about exporting those aspects of their civil culture that had been preserved by the 1707 Act of Union. They asserted their right to develop Presbyterian missions and education in India freed from the established Anglican hierarchy. They developed colleges and schools in India and elsewhere in the dependent territories. (MacKenzie, 1998: 222)

In addition, the British Empire would also provide an opportunity for Irish Catholics to flee ethnic persecution in Ireland. Clayton (2005) notes that:

The Irish colonial experience included two contradictory elements, both shared by other colonised peoples. On the one hand, there was an intensification of the long tradition of subjecting the Catholic Irish to racist stereotyping, whose content and motivation was almost identical to that experienced by indigenous peoples in other parts of the British Empire. On the other hand, Irish Catholics played a part in the empire not only as subjects but as agents of the imperial power in the maintenance of the empire (2005: 236)

As a result, within Australia and New Zealand, Irish immigration aided the spread of both national and British culture across the colonies. In fact, Parent (2007) alludes to the greater ‘British’ cohesion that was found within the dominions compared to Britain. He notes:

Those of British ancestry cohered reasonably effectively in Australia because of expedience; they needed to cooperate to secure a distant outpost of British imperialism. So while in the British Isles there was much conflict between the Irish and the British, in Australia, though there was some friction, the Irish were generally integrated into the dominant ethnic group of whites with British ancestry (2007: 6)²⁵

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25 Similarly, Irish influence in Australia would also be found within sport. McConville and Hess (2012) note that in the emergence of Australian Rules Football, ‘the driving influence in the Victorian game [Australian Rules Football] seemed to come, as in so many of the new institutions of the gold colony, from men whose background was in Ireland rather than England. Thomas Henry Smith, a sports master at Scotch College (which along with the Melbourne Grammar School was one of the schools competing in the landmark game of 1858) had graduated from Trinity College, Dublin’ (2012:

2361).

Subsequently, during the assimilation of Irish Catholics abroad, many ‘found it easier to accommodate themselves to Britishness abroad than at home’ (Dubow, 2009: 11).

The effects of the Great Famine in Ireland would eventually result in Irish migration far outnumbering England, Scotland and Wales throughout the nineteenth-century (Bridge and Fedorowich, 2003b).²⁶

Within Wales, Jenkins (2008) notes that ‘by the mid-nineteenth century … Australia was viewed by the Welsh as a land of opportunity rather than a place of exile’ (2008: 189). Supported by the gold rush of the 1850s ‘energetic prospectors and Welsh families determined to make a fresh start’ were migrating to the emerging dominion (Jenkins, 2008: 189). Along, with their Scottish and Irish counterparts, Wales’s own identity became increasingly entwined with the British Empire.

Indeed, the dispersal of British emigrants throughout the colonies would also help to encourage a separate and distinct form of colonial identification. In particular, immigration provided an important source of labour for the imperial system while at the same time acting as a powerful agent in its subversion (Varadarajan, 2008: 271).

As a result, anti-British sentiment was fostered amongst the Australian working class who helped to encourage indigenous forms of national identification (Mein Smith, 2012).

Notably, the migration of Irish, Scottish and Welsh citizens during this period followed in the wake of the cramped conditions emerging in the industrial cities of Britain. Following the industrial expansion of Britain the ‘tobacco lords of Glasgow, the jute manufacturers of Dundee, the steel magnates of Sheffield, the millocracy of Manchester … the merchant princes of London and the outports, and the discreet bankers of the City’ obtained a wealth that was directly dependent on empire and imperial expansion (Hopkins, 1999: 210). Accordingly, for many of the ports and harbours throughout the empire, the outward destination was not England but the industrial ports of Aberdeen and Glasgow. Throughout this period Scotland was becoming, along with Britain, an industrial society (McCrone, 1992). In addition, Wales would also see an expansion of its commercial and urban communities (Evans, 1989). Here, ‘iron and coal production from south Wales became vitally important, particularly in terms of British imperial ambition’ (Pritchard, 2012: 328). Clydeside

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26 The Great Famine occurred between 1845 and 1852 causing mass starvation and disease across Ireland.

and the South Wales would help form the ‘control points from which trade and manufacture flowed out to the world, carried in part by the trade routes of the British Empire’ (Kumar, 2003: 168). As a result, the effects of Britain’s industrial revolution served to strengthen its ties of interdependence within Britain via an expanding global network of trade and commerce.

Furthermore, while accounts of the industrial revolution have often considered it to be a largely British phenomenon, it was also a revolution that was sustained and encouraged by the British Empire. Here, ‘the vital contribution of the slave trade, slavery … [and] colonial relations’ helped to maintain its development (Bhambra, 2010: 138). In fact, in her critique of Mann’s (2006) analysis of the Industrial Revolution, Bhambra (2010) argues that ‘industrialization continues to be regarded as a European phenomenon subsequently diffused to the rest of the world rather than one which was global in its instantiation and which had differential impacts across the globe’ (2010: 138).

Consequently, in conjunction with the rise of industry across Britain came social changes in the composition of British society. Most notably, industrial changes aided the emergence of ‘a British working class and a British labour movement’ (Kumar, 2003: 169). While for many, class loyalties provided an important sense of identification (Kumar, 2003), across British society, entrepreneurs and factory owners, along with various other middle class professionals, formed part of a rising middle class elite (Allen, 2009; MacKenzie, 1984; Kumar, 2000). Through a greater permeability in stratum barriers ‘the large industrial classes, one after the other, rose into the position of ruling classes’ (Elias, 1996: 165-66). Accordingly, ‘Oxbridge’

graduates would form just part of a wider ‘colonial’ diaspora that would help serve as

‘part of the bureaucratic machinery that formed the very basis of imperial power’

(Varadarajan, 2008: 283; see also Gaines, 2012). Here, sport would provide an important role in transferring ‘Western notions of civilized conduct … across the world as the ideas of the imperial ruling strata spread to the belief systems in the colonies’ (Linklater and Mennell, 2010).

Nevertheless, the social and political structure within Britain would also be closely dependent upon its emerging colonies. Indeed, ‘many of the central principles of modern British democracy were experimented with in the colonies of settlement and shipped back to the United Kingdom’ (Bridge and Fedorowich, 2003a: 5). Bridge and Fedorowich (2003a) elaborate:

in the 1840s, Canada, not Britain, was first to define responsible government.

By the 1850s, five of the six Australian colonies had developed the secret ballot, more than ten years before it was introduced in the United Kingdom. In 1893, New Zealand women were the first in the empire to gain the vote, a generation before their sisters in Britain. The schools in the Australian colony of Victoria were ‘secular, compulsory and free’ well before their counterparts back home (2003a: 5)

With this in mind, the following sections will explore, in further detail, the effects of these processes in shaping British identity both within the British home nations and the former dominions.²⁷