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A focus on positive aspects was supported by an ecological orientation, best conceptualised

according to Bronfenbrenner’s model (1979, 1986, 1994). The model framed human development as influenced by person-environment reciprocal processes varying according to proximity to the developing individual and the impact of personal, relational, and ecological factors over time which, captured by the chronosystem in the model, held pertinence to discussion of transition. Person-characteristics were recognised within the nested model, with disposition, resources (skill and knowledge), and demand characteristics (reactional social processes) described as affecting interactions and shaping future development. The model enabled and demanded a wide view of transition encompassing individual, partnership, and systemic influences.

Within the prevailing climate of concern for students’ learning progress and attainment

(Alspaugh, 1998; Morgan & Hertzog, 2001; Roderick & Camburn, 1999), a striking example of a systemic, ecological approach was provided by the studies of Galton and various

colleagues’ (Hargreaves & Galton, 2002) that facilitated greater understanding of contextual, institutional, environmental, and relational aspects of transition within United Kingdom schools. Their research, spanning over two decades, demonstrated strength-focused approaches that attended to what was going right and what was working. Furthermore, being solution-focused and couched in constructive terms, critique of practice affirmed change and improvement as viable. For the aforementioned reasons, this body of work was influential in the conceptualisation of the current study and a brief synopsis follows.

The original ORACLE (Observational Research and Classroom Learning Evaluation) longitudinal studies (1975-1980) used classroom observations to focus upon curriculum delivery and student progress before and through transition (Galton & Willcocks, 1983). Pre- and post- transition standardised assessment tasks showed around 40% of students failed to make progress in English, mathematics, and reading in the first year after moving to their new

school. Evidence of a general hiatus in progress and deterioration in students’ attitudes on transition to high school, prompted the British Government to respond with the introduction of a national curriculum.

Greater public accountability, as a result of national British initiatives, was reported (Galton et al., 1999) and transition practices improved, especially social and induction strategies. Five categories of transition activity were detailed:

x Administrative (at organisational level including exchange of information)

x Pupil-centred (mainly social aspects)

x Curriculum continuity (involving primary-secondary connections)

x Pedagogic (engaging students in learning)

x Learning management (students learning about learning)

A replication of the ORACLE study (1995-1998) followed approximately 600 pupils through transition to high school (Galton, Comber, & Pell, 2002), and exposed less than perfect transition processes and interrupted learning progress. It is important to note that pupils with special learning or behavioural difficulties were expressively excluded from observations made for the study, however evidence from attitude inventories showed low-attaining pupils were more socially isolated and less motivated than their peers post-transition. In addition,

able pupils’ enjoyment of school steadily declined as students were expected to become more passive recipients in the classroom. Hargreaves and Galton (2002) suggested that secondary teaching style was answerable. Schagen and Kerr (1999) were blunt in their appraisal of institutional progress; they stated: “...the National Curriculum has not had the anticipated positive impact on curriculum continuity and individual progression” (p. 92).

Thus, curriculum continuity and pedagogy came into the spotlight and, like Power and Cotterell (1981) some years prior, highlighted divergence between primary and secondary

teachers’ approach to their craft (Galton, et al., 2002). By way of example, when teachers

were invited to identify students who might be at-risk early after transition, primary teachers concentrated on emotional and relational factors whereas secondary teachers viewed academic progress as critical to adjustment (Galton, et al., 2002). Conclusions were frank. Regarding the five previously identified approaches to transition practice, transfer had become smoother, successful even, in terms of administrative and social details but continuity of learning was still being ignored. It was suggested that the lack of cross-sector pedagogical

understanding, persistent stereotypical views of “how they do it”, and apparent neglect by teachers to instruct students about different approaches to learning had serious implications

for students’ learning progress, especially those identified as potentially at risk of losing traction in their learning path (Galton et al., 2000).

Following up on the established works (Galton et al., 1999, 2002) a further study was commissioned by the United Kingdom Government to consider issues raised (Galton et al., 2003). Fifty principals from more than 12 local education authorities shared their views about progress, while tracking data for over 3000 primary school students was accessed. Additionally, comment was sought from teachers and students about facilitative practice, while 25 schools, whose Year Seven students had made positive attitude gains post-transition, were selected for more intensive study.

Various projects resulted which utilised a mix of fieldwork, action research projects, professional development, and information-gathering to investigate factors of student engagement and academic progress. These included “looking at strategies which might help

sustain pupils’ commitment to learning across the middle years of secondary schooling, and strategies which support disengaged pupils in renewing their interest and effort in learning”

(Rudduck, Berry, Demetriou, & Goalen, 2003, p. 1). The team paid particular attention to making a connection with student interviewees who shared their reasons for, or sources of, disengagement. In addition, they worked at extending practice horizons for schools and teachers, as follows:

In the students’ words it was about moving from being a ‘dosser’ or a ‘shirker’ to a ‘worker’, but these terms can give the impression that the problem is simply laziness

and that the remedy lies exclusively in the students’ hands. We think that this is only part of the story; there are often things within the regimes of schooling that make the students avoid work and that can be remedied once teachers understand what they are (Rudduck, et al., 2003, p.87).

Consideration of triggers enabled schools to then plan actions that reflected inclusive

responses that “fit the context and the needs of the students” (p. 88). Outcomes indicated strength-focused approaches by significant adults could assist reversal of disengagement and

early intervention which was sustained at secondary school could interrupt students’ negative

been reported by Flutter and Rudduck (2004) in relation to mastery-orientated teaching. Furthermore, that students’ must be given the opportunity to voice their needs and have their efforts toward change acknowledged, was universally accepted.

Reflecting the iterative nature of Galton and others’ (2003) work and feedback from stakeholders, certain counsel was modified. It was suggested previous weight placed upon

‘smooth’ transition may have been overstated. Thus, educators needed to be mindful of retaining students’ experience of difference on entering high school by ensuring excitement

for the ‘new’ was sustained and opportunities for making the fresh start, valued by some students, were present. Put differently, too smooth (or boring) a transition might even militate against resilience and engagement in the long term. Furthermore, it was recommended that secondary schools pay greater attention to the teaching of learning and thinking strategies – both pre- and post-transition. Other prior recommendations endured, such as academic progress through primary grades being prioritised and pupils’ retrospective opinions about facilitative transition practices continue to be sought.

Schooling outcomes may be related to proximal and distal influences (Bronfenbrenner, 1979) and therefore investigation of the nature of relations within a community is imperative to understand development. Galton and colleagues’ (2003) work, within which teachers were given voice, parents contributed and students were consulted, demonstrated this principle and revealed the significant contribution made by personal accounts of experience. Research that demonstrated accessing different stakeholder views is addressed in the next section.