Ensayos de relajación

The conclusion drawn in Begum, Deng and Gustafsson (2012), on which this chapter is based, is presented below. The discussion proceeds in this chapter to describe child poverty in Bangladesh and China as well as to investigate reasons for differences across the two countries using har- monised microdata. The reasons for changes over time during periods of rapid economic growth in both countries were studied. The study is based on large samples and a poverty line set to one USD per day. True, this is not the only alternative of defining poverty in cross-country studies. We are aware that in the future the foremost approach could be one in which the international poverty line is set to 1.25 USD per day and that the issue of how to convert this into local currencies will be solved somewhat differently than the method used in this chapter. The comparisons of child poverty were made using a decomposition framework according to which poverty differences are attributed to differences in mean child income, demographic differences and differences in the distribution of income.

Child poverty is very much a problem for rural children in both countries. Not surpris- ingly we have reported that child poverty is more extensive in Bangladesh than in China. Out of the three spells of rapid economic growth studied, child poverty was found to have decreased profoundly during two spells, while much less during a third (China from 1988 to 1995). A more unequal distribution of income in China between 1988 and 1995 largely offset the poverty reduc- ing impulses coming from economic growth. However, in Bangladesh from 1995 to 2000 and in China from 1995 to 2002, economic growth was much in tandem with child poverty reduction.

A pattern of child poverty rates being highest in families with many children was found in both countries. Child poverty is negatively related to parental education level in Bangladesh and in China in the mid-1990s and thereafter, but much less so than in 1988. Ethnic minority children are more poverty prone than the majority in China, while the Bangladeshi population is more ethnically homogeneous as are the groups of poor children.

The cross-country comparisons show that the lower child poverty rates in China can mainly be attributed to a higher average child income level than in Bangladesh. When trying to understand why in the mid-1990s southwest China had lower child poverty rates than Bangla- desh, it was found that differences in demographic composition are central. In southwest China children lived in families with fewer other children than in Bangladesh. However, a few years later, the difference in the extent of poverty between southwest China and Bangladesh had wid- ened and was now driven by differences in mean income.

The study thus illustrates that economic growth and differences in income levels are significant for child poverty differences over time and across countries. However, it also shows that economic growth does not by necessity lead to a lessening of child poverty. Similarly, dif- ferences in mean income are not the only factors that affect poverty differences across countries. In addition to economic growth, changed distribution of income as well as changed demographic composition can affect how poverty develops.

Appendix

Table A. The Composition of Poverty in Bangladesh and China (percent).

Note: The composition of urban child poverty has not been reported in the Table since the numbers of urban children living in poverty are found to be negligible in China (14, 22 and 3 in1988, 1995 and 2002, respectively).

Age Nationality No. of children Parental education region <=6 7-14 Han Minority 1 2 3 4 One

High Other Both Low Coastal Middle Inland

Bangladesh 1995 Entire 47.38 52.62 6.03 19.19 26.93 47.85 0.24 17.45 82.31 35.26 35.85 28.88 Urban 45.06 54.94 3.69 18.18 29.64 48.48 0.70 18.12 81.18 38.21 30.70 31.09 Rural 47.69 52.31 6.35 19.33 26.55 47.76 0.18 17.35 82.47 34.86 36.56 28.58 2000 Entire 44.98 55.02 6.41 21.11 28.82 43.66 0.19 23.36 76.45 30.71 36.30 32.99 Urban 40.57 59.43 4.14 22.85 27.32 45.70 0.00 27.85 72.15 30.46 42.05 27.48 Rural 45.71 54.29 6.79 20.82 29.07 43.32 0.22 22.61 77.17 30.76 35.34 33.90 China 1988 Entire 42.16 57.84 85.36 14.64 15.25 39.41 29.20 16.13 16.13 39.64 44.23 21.91 41.15 36.15 Rural 42.50 57.50 85.28 14.72 15.18 39.21 29.45 16.17 16.36 39.28 44.36 21.68 40.98 37.33 1995 Entire 35.18 64.82 82.97 17.03 18.93 46.09 28.31 6.68 21.17 48.87 29.96 12.65 38.19 49.16 Rural 34.88 65.12 82.55 17.45 18.99 45.82 28.64 6.55 21.18 47.92 30.90 12.44 37.56 50.00 2002 Entire 37.32 62.68 78.46 21.54 29.74 47.59 19.29 3.38 16.23 52.13 31.64 16.40 31.83 51.77 Rural 37.05 62.95 78.32 21.68 29.29 47.90 19.42 3.40 16.01 52.15 31.85 16.50 31.72 51.78 SW China 1988 Entire 43.19 56.81 62.74 37.26 12.33 33.96 28.84 24.97 9.93 37.25 52.81 Rural 43.25 56.75 62.69 37.31 12.13 34.00 28.88 25.00 9.95 37.17 52.88 1995 Entire 37.46 62.54 58.24 41.76 21.02 43.14 26.87 8.90 11.55 48.48 39.96 Rural 37.68 62.32 58.19 41.81 20.59 43.38 27.02 9.01 11.43 48.38 40.19 2002 Entire 37.66 62.34 59.11 40.89 19.84 52.63 20.65 6.88 8.61 54.51 36.89 Rural 37.38 62.62 58.94 41.06 19.51 52.85 20.73 6.91 8.64 54.32 37.04

Chapter 8

Challenges and approaches to child poverty

in Bangladesh:

A qualitative study

8.1. Introduction

What needs to be done about child poverty is indeed a political issue. Of great concern is also the successful and effective implementation of policy and programs. Good governance is crucial to alleviate poverty and thereby sustain development and growth in developing countries such as Bangladesh (Sen & Hulme, 2006; Stern, 2002). This is especially important when the issue of child poverty is a central concern. The widespread poverty and vulnerability among children and their households in developing countries provide a powerful motivation to identify appropriate policy measures (Barrientos & Delong, 2006, 537-38; Deolalikar, 2005; Harper, 2004).

Despite the recent improvements in the poverty situation during the 1990s and onwards, Bangladesh public administration, which is bureaucratic in nature, has been found to be inad- equate to deal with the massive poverty and to advance a fast track in poverty reduction (Hulme & Shepherd, 2003; Kabeer, 2009; Zafarullah, 2006). Consequently, a significant number of children live in extreme poverty and enormous misery. This raises the question of what the barriers are which inhibit poverty reduction and which lead to a significant number of children remaining in a vicious cycle of poverty.

I believe that studies using qualitative methods, in order to listen to the many voices of the principal victims and to include their perceptions in the policy making process, can play an important role in answering the question posed above. In this context, an increasing demand for the use of qualitative methods is well supported (Attree, 2006; Fortier, 2006). Establishing child poverty in Bangladesh as a main focus, I will attempt to analyze gaps between the government

initiatives that have been taken and the initiatives that are needed, according to the perceptions of principal victims (poor children and women). Also, I intend to convey the voices of the child victims of poverty, since research on child poverty received less attention compared to research on adult poverty, especially in the context of Bangladesh. A premise of this chapter is that their recommendations need to be addressed in order to create a world where children’s development will not be restricted because of, at least, absolute poverty.

In the following sections some of the poverty alleviation programs in Bangladesh will be presented. I will then attempt to review institutional weaknesses in policy implementation in Bangladesh. I conclude this chapter with an overall summary and discussion of the results.