Section 3.3 of the WMCP FTAA is assailed for violating supposed constitutional restrictions on the term of FTAAs. The provision in question reads:
“3.3 This Agreement shall be renewed by the Government for a further period of twenty-five (25) years under the same terms and conditions provided that the Contractor lodges a request for renewal with the Government not less than sixty (60) days prior to the expiry of the initial term of this Agreement and provided that the Contractor is not in breach of any of the requirements of this Agreement.”
Allegedly, the above provision runs afoul of Section 2 of Article XII of the 1987 Constitution, which states:
“Sec. 2. All lands of the public domain, waters, minerals, coal, petroleum, and other mineral oils, all forces of potential energy, fisheries, forests or timber, wildlife, flora and fauna, and other natural resources are owned by the State. With the exception of agricultural lands, all other natural resources shall not be alienated. The exploration, development and utilization of natural resources shall be under the full control and supervision of the State. The State may directly undertake such activities, or it may enter into co-production, joint venture or production-sharing agreements with Filipino citizens or corporations or associations at least sixty per centum of whose capital is owned by such citizens. Such agreements may be for a period not exceeding twenty-five years, renewable for not more than twenty-five years, and under such terms and conditions as may be provided by law. In cases of water rights for irrigation, water supply, fisheries, or industrial uses other than the development of water power, beneficial use may be the measure and limit of the grant.
“The State shall protect the nation’s marine wealth in its archipelagic waters, territorial sea, and exclusive economic zone, and reserve its use and enjoyment exclusively to Filipino citizens.
“The Congress may, by law, allow small-scale utilization of natural resources by Filipino citizens, as well as cooperative fish farming, with priority to subsistence fishermen and fish-workers in rivers, lakes, bays and lagoons.
“The President may enter into agreements with foreign-owned corporations involving either technical or financial assistance for large-scale exploration, development, and utilization of minerals, petroleum, and other mineral oils according to the general terms and conditions provided by law, based on real contributions to the economic growth and general welfare of the country. In such agreements, the State shall promote the development and use of local scientific and technical resources.
“The President shall notify the Congress of every contract entered into in accordance with this provision, within thirty days from its execution.”[93]
We hold that the term limitation of twenty-five years does not apply to FTAAs. The reason is that the above provision is found within paragraph 1 of Section 2 of Article XII, which refers to mineral agreements -- co-production agreements, joint venture agreements and mineral production-sharing agreements -- which the government may enter into with Filipino citizens and corporations, at least 60 percent owned by Filipino citizens. The word “such”
clearly refers to these three mineral agreements -- CPAs, JVAs and MPSAs -- not to FTAAs.
Specifically, FTAAs are covered by paragraphs 4 and 5 of Section 2 of Article XII of the Constitution. It will be noted that there are no term limitations provided for in the said paragraphs dealing with FTAAs. This shows that FTAAs are sui generis, in a class of their own. This omission was obviously a deliberate move on the part of the framers. They probably realized that FTAAs would be different in many ways from MPSAs, JVAs and CPAs. The reason the framers did not fix term limitations applicable to FTAAs is that they preferred to leave the matter to the discretion of the legislature and/or the agencies involved in implementing the laws pertaining to FTAAs, in order to give the latter enough flexibility and elbow room to meet changing circumstances.
Note also that, as previously stated, the exploratory phrases of an FTAA lasts up to eleven years. Thereafter, a few more years would be gobbled up in start-up operations. It may take fifteen years before an FTAA contractor can start earning profits. And thus, the period of 25 years may really be short for an FTAA. Consider too that in this kind of agreement, the contractor assumes all entrepreneurial risks. If no commercial quantities of minerals are found, the contractor bears all financial losses. To compensate for this long gestation period and extra business risks, it would not be totally unreasonable to allow it to continue EDU activities for another twenty five years.
In any event, the complaint is that, in essence, Section 3.3 gives the contractor the power to compel the government to renew the WMCP FTAA for another 25 years and deprives the State of any say on whether to renew the contract.
While we agree that Section 3.3 could have been worded so as to prevent it from favoring the contractor, this provision does not violate any constitutional limits, since the said term limitation does not apply at all to FTAAs. Neither can the provision be deemed in any manner to be illegal, as no law is being violated thereby. It is certainly not illegal for the government to waive its option to refuse the renewal of a commercial contract.
Verily, the government did not have to agree to Section 3.3. It could have said “No” to the stipulation, but it did not. It appears that, in the process of negotiations, the other contracting party was able to convince the government to
agree to the renewal terms. Under the circumstances, it does not seem proper for this Court to intervene and step in to undo what might have perhaps been a possible miscalculation on the part of the State. If government believes that it is or will be aggrieved by the effects of Section 3.3, the remedy is the renegotiation of the provision in order to provide the State the option to not renew the FTAA.
Financial Benefits for Foreigners Not Forbidden by the Constitution
Before leaving this subject matter, we find it necessary for us to rid ourselves of the false belief that the Constitution somehow forbids foreign-owned corporations from deriving financial benefits from the development of our natural or mineral resources.
The Constitution has never prohibited foreign corporations from acquiring and enjoying “beneficial interest” in the development of Philippine natural resources. The State itself need not directly undertake exploration, development, and utilization activities. Alternatively, the Constitution authorizes the government to enter into joint venture agreements (JVAs), co-production agreements (CPAs) and mineral production sharing agreements (MPSAs) with contractors who are Filipino citizens or corporations that are at least 60 percent Filipino-owned. They may do the actual “dirty work” -- the mining operations.
In the case of a 60 percent Filipino-owned corporation, the 40 percent individual and/or corporate non-Filipino stakeholders obviously participate in the beneficial interest derived from the development and utilization of our natural resources. They may receive by way of dividends, up to 40 percent of the contractor’s earnings from the mining project. Likewise, they may have a say in the decisions of the board of directors, since they are entitled to representation therein to the extent of their equity participation, which the Constitution permits to be up to 40 percent of the contractor’s equity. Hence, the non-Filipino stakeholders may in that manner also participate in the management of the contractor’s natural resource development work. All of this is permitted by our Constitution, for any natural resource, and without limitation even in regard to the magnitude of the mining project or operations (see paragraph 1 of Section 2 of Article XII).
It is clear, then, that there is nothing inherently wrong with or constitutionally objectionable about the idea of foreign individuals and entities having or enjoying “beneficial interest” in -- and participating in the management of operations relative to -- the exploration, development and utilization of our natural resources.
FTAA More Advantageous Than Other Schemes Like CPA, JVA and MPSA
A final point on the subject of beneficial interest. We believe the FTAA is a more advantageous proposition for the government as compared with other agreements permitted by the Constitution. In a CPA that the government enters into with one or more contractors, the government shall provide inputs to the mining operations other than the mineral resource itself.[94]
In a JVA, a JV company is organized by the government and the contractor, with both parties having equity shares (investments); and the contractor is granted the exclusive right to conduct mining operations and to extract minerals found in the area.[95] On the other hand, in an MPSA, the government grants the contractor the exclusive right to conduct mining operations within the contract area and shares in the gross output; and the contractor provides the necessary financing, technology, management and manpower.
The point being made here is that, in two of the three types of agreements under consideration, the government has to ante up some risk capital for the enterprise. In other words, government funds (public moneys) are withdrawn from other possible uses, put to work in the venture and placed at risk in case
the venture fails. This notwithstanding, management and control of the operations of the enterprise are -- in all three arrangements -- in the hands of the contractor, with the government being mainly a silent partner. The three types of agreement mentioned above apply to any natural resource, without limitation and regardless of the size or magnitude of the project or operations.
In contrast to the foregoing arrangements, and pursuant to paragraph 4 of Section 2 of Article XII, the FTAA is limited to large-scale projects and only for minerals, petroleum and other mineral oils. Here, the Constitution removes the 40 percent cap on foreign ownership and allows the foreign corporation to own up to 100 percent of the equity. Filipino capital may not be sufficient on account of the size of the project, so the foreign entity may have to ante up all the risk capital.
Correlatively, the foreign stakeholder bears up to 100 percent of the risk of loss if the project fails. In respect of the particular FTAA granted to it, WMCP (then 100 percent foreign owned) was responsible, as contractor, for providing the entire equity, including all the inputs for the project. It was to bear 100 percent of the risk of loss if the project failed, but its maximum potential
“beneficial interest” consisted only of 40 percent of the net beneficial interest, because the other 60 percent is the share of the government, which will never be exposed to any risk of loss whatsoever.
In consonance with the degree of risk assumed, the FTAA vested in WMCP the day-to-day management of the mining operations. Still such management is subject to the overall control and supervision of the State in terms of regular reporting, approvals of work programs and budgets, and so on.
So, one needs to consider in relative terms, the costs of inputs for, degree of risk attendant to, and benefits derived or to be derived from a CPA, a JVA or an MPSA vis-à-vis those pertaining to an FTAA. It may not be realistically asserted that the foreign grantee of an FTAA is being unduly favored or benefited as compared with a foreign stakeholder in a corporation holding a CPA, a JVA or an MPSA. Seen the other way around, the government is definitely better off with an FTAA than a CPA, a JVA or an MPSA.
Developmental Policy on the Mining Industry
During the Oral Argument and in their Final Memorandum, petitioners repeatedly urged the Court to consider whether mining as an industry and economic activity deserved to be accorded priority, preference and government support as against, say, agriculture and other activities in which Filipinos and the Philippines may have an “economic advantage.” For instance, a recent US study[96] reportedly examined the economic performance of all local US counties that were dependent on mining and 20 percent of whose labor earnings between 1970 and 2000 came from mining enterprises.
The study -- covering 100 US counties in 25 states dependent on mining -- showed that per capita income grew about 30 percent less in mining-dependent communities in the 1980s and 25 percent less for the entire period 1980 to 2000; the level of per capita income was also lower. Therefore, given the slower rate of growth, the gap between these and other local counties increased.
Petitioners invite attention to the OXFAM America Report’s warning to developing nations that mining brings with it serious economic problems, including increased regional inequality, unemployment and poverty. They also cite the final report[97] of the Extractive Industries Review project commissioned by the World Bank (the WB-EIR Report), which warns of environmental degradation, social disruption, conflict, and uneven sharing of benefits with local communities that bear the negative social and environmental impact. The Report suggests that countries need to decide on the best way to exploit their natural resources, in order to maximize the value added from the development of their resources and ensure that they are on the path to sustainable development once the resources run out.
Whatever priority or preference may be given to mining vis-à-vis other economic or non-economic activities is a question of policy that the President
and Congress will have to address; it is not for this Court to decide. This Court declares what the Constitution and the laws say, interprets only when necessary, and refrains from delving into matters of policy.
Suffice it to say that the State control accorded by the Constitution over mining activities assures a proper balancing of interests. More pointedly, such control will enable the President to demand the best mining practices and the use of the best available technologies to protect the environment and to rehabilitate mined-out areas. Indeed, under the Mining Law, the government can ensure the protection of the environment during and after mining. It can likewise provide for the mechanisms to protect the rights of indigenous communities, and thereby mold a more socially-responsive, culturally-sensitive and sustainable mining industry.
Early on during the launching of the Presidential Mineral Industry Environmental Awards on February 6, 1997, then President Fidel V. Ramos captured the essence of balanced and sustainable mining in these words:
“Long term, high profit mining translates into higher revenues for government, more decent jobs for the population, more raw materials to feed the engines of downstream and allied industries, and improved chances of human resource and countryside development by creating self-reliant communities away from urban centers.
x x x x x x x x x
“Against a fragile and finite environment, it is sustainability that holds the key. In sustainable mining, we take a middle ground where both production and protection goals are balanced, and where parties-in-interest come to terms.”
Neither has the present leadership been remiss in addressing the concerns of sustainable mining operations. Recently, on January 16, 2004 and April 20, 2004, President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo issued Executive Orders Nos. 270 and 270-A, respectively, “to promote responsible mineral resources exploration, development and utilization, in order to enhance economic growth, in a manner that adheres to the principles of sustainable development and with due regard for justice and equity, sensitivity to the culture of the Filipino people and respect for Philippine sovereignty.”[98]