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We can see how the hypotheses developed in section 3 are satisfied in the preceding discussion.

Sardars emerged as labor intermediaries in the mines – which were characterized by the metering

problem – given the shortage of labor during the initial several decades (hypothesis 1). This made them indispensable over time. As patrons of the laborers, who they would bring from regions like Eastern UP and Bihar, they would constantly exploit the laborers, bonding them in ties of caste, debt and obligations. When unions were introduced into the region, they – unsurprisingly one can say now – assumed the positons of union leaders.

We also noticed, evinced by the debt and other forms of exploitation that labor unions may have experience agency problems, in part because of the sardars coming from other (higher) castes. More importantly, none of the sardars actually rose to union leadership from within the ranks of union members. They had never been laborers themselves, but only labor intermediaries. This led to an exacerbated agency problem in the union where union leaders and union members did not

have their interests aligned (hypothesis 2(a)). Union leaders (sardars) colluded with the employers at the expense of union members (laborers) for several decades, until the leaders formalized their position by contesting elections and becoming political leaders of the region. One of the reasons they could continue in their exploitative role, without suffering from internal rebellion is because they had bound the laborers through various informal arrangements, like debt and obligations (hypothesis 2 (b)). We will dwell on these arrangements in detail in next section.

Then, during nationalization, a change of ownership took place without any significant institutional alteration and led to the continuation of the same labor relations that had been carved out over the past seventy years (hypothesis 3). The sardars further intensified the fossilization of the labor apparatus of the industry by bringing more laborers from their native villages, and binding them to the same cultural and relational patterns that had existed. In addition, to continue their dominance in the industry, they also used this opportunity to push people from their network into the newly formed State entity, BCCL. In times to come, this paved the way for solidifying their position in the industry.

Forty years since nationalization, the labor cartel has intensified over time, and labor unions continue to control power in the collieries. The union leaders have begun contesting local elections and securing their power through democratic processes. The first mafia in the region was B.P. Sinha, who rose to prominence as a labor union leader in the 1960s. He mobilized the labor under him on promises (many of which were indeed delivered) of labor welfare, and began extorting money from coal buyers and mine owners.100 His power came from the massive labor monopoly he had. The poster child of the Dhanbad mafia was Surya Deo Singh. He was born in a small town of Ballia in eastern UP, and began his stint as bodyguard of B.P. Sinha. He was also a small time moneylender in the Borahgorah coal mines (Dhar, 1979, p. 691) and after Sinha’s death, assumed power. He started his own union, Janta Mazdoor Sangh,101 which has ‘long exerted influence over

BCCL officials, who allow [their members] to run rackets that include theft of coal to sell on the black market and controlling trucks that leave the mines’ (Daniel and Williams, 2014). He

developed strong connections with the State bureaucracy to secure all major public works and labor contracts. He contested in elections of the Bihar Legislative Assembly and won a seat. His popularity grew. He would hold large gatherings and meetings in his palatial home in Dhanbad, and by the early 80s, he owned more than a hundred lorries, three cinemas and several real estate

100 _{BP Sinha was a school teacher when he joined the Socialist Party. Later, Congress co-opted him to look after their}

trade unions in the region. B.P. Sinha is considered to be the first mafia of Dhanbad.

101 _{For union’s interaction with political changes in the country during late 1970s, see A.S. (1980), “New Aspects of}

properties (Heuzé, 1996, p. 234). The norms of labor union cartelization and mafia-type activities, as seen through the pilferage and sale of coal in black markets, falsified workers’ contracts, illegal warehouses and coal sale, stealing coal, non-performance of government’s contracts and indeed, appropriating tax from coal buyers, became commonplace. In time, the mafia assumed a more plebian and populist appearance condemning policies of the government and colliery administration, sympathizing openly with miseries of the working class, undertaking popular and visible measures of redistribution. While simultaneously manipulating workers through threats and bondage measures that carried on. Everything happened with the tacit collusion of both the State and its administrative and judicial wings in connivance. Singh contested elections from the Jharia constituency, winning in 1977, 1980, 1985 and 1990. He died in 1991. Today, the legacy of the institution of the mafia he created is carried forward by his family, referred to in local media as ‘Singh Mansion.’ His younger brother Ramadhir Singh took up the empire, who is now joined by their sons Sashi and Sanjeev.

Over time, many other families have followed a similar pattern. A rival gang was started by Suresh Singh, who had a similar history. Suresh Singh was the prime contender of 2009 elections but lost to Kunti Devi, wife of Surya Deo Singh. He was later shot dead at a wedding in December 2011 by the Singh Mansion gang. Satyadeo Singh was an ex-colliery owner who had to sell off his mines during nationalization (Dhar, 1979, p. 691). He became a contractor for laborer due to his connections with sardars. Another mine owner was Navrangdeo Singh who has also followed suit (ibid.). In last few years, Dhanbad has witnessed the rise of a mine worker Dhullu Mahto, belonging to one of the local communities, who has begun to challenge the Singh Mansion. His rise was very similar to that of BP Sinha. He slowly organized workers under him and made his union. He attracted the workers of small coal companies – these companies outsource mining from small pits for big companies. They look for contract work, and Dhullu Mahto has slowly mobilized them under his union. Called as the ‘new mafia’ by people in Dhanbad, his influence can be felt in many collieries that have become his empire (Daniel and Williams, 2014).