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At the same time that Jinasēna was writing poetry in or in affiliation with
endeavors. The poet Pampa’s choice of genre and language, as well as his religious and political commitments, are difficult to make sense of without the context of Jinasēna and the literary milieu of this court a century earlier. Weaving together the literary and religious developments of Amōghavarṣa’s court, Pampa, a lay Jain and devotee of the Jain monk Dēvēndra, turned not to Sanskrit, but to the highly Sanskritized Kannada imagined in Śrīvijaya’s Kavirājamārgaṃ to rewrite Jinasēna’s Sanskrit Ādipurāṇa in 941
C.E. He also wrote a version of the Mahābhārata called the Vikramārjunavijayaṃ (more
popularly known as the Pampa Bhārata)in the same year.186As the first extant poet to
write a Kannada campū kāvya (poetry in mixed prose and verse) Pampa was and continues to be known as the ādikavi,or inaugural poet, of Kannada literature.187 Apart
from being the first Kannada poet, Pampa is also notable for being the first of a surfeit of specifically lay Jain Kannada poets who almost exclusively wrote in this campū kāvya
186 Each of the sixteen chapters of Pampa’s Ādipurāṇaṃ end with a short prose passage
that praises the Jain monk Dēvēndra and briefly summarizes the chapter. Recent scholarly consensus dates Pampa’s Vikramārjunavijayaṃ to 950 C.E. Sheldon Pollock,
The Language of the Gods in the World of Men: Sanskrit, Culture, and Power in Premodern India (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2006), 356; D.R. Nagaraj, “Critical Tension in the History of Kannada Literary Culture” in Literary Cultures in History: Reconstructions From South Asia, ed. Sheldon Pollock (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2003),106. Pampa himself is quite clear in the Vikramārjunavijayaṃ that both of these epic length campū kāvyas were composed in the same year; the
Ādipurāṇaṃ took three month to complete and the Vikramārjunavijayaṃ took five
months (VAV, v 14.60). Additionally, there has been some confusion over the chronology of Pampa’s works. Pollock places Pampa’s Vikramārjunavijayaṃ first and the
Ādipurāṇaṃ second. Pollock, Languages of the Gods, 356 and 358 f. 60. Given that Pampa specifically mentions the Ādipurāṇaṃ in the Vikramārjunavijayaṃ (and, as such does not mention the Vikramārjunavijayaṃ in the Ādipurāṇaṃ), it is quite evident that the Ādipurāṇaṃ is the earlier of his two texts.
187 Pampa is also later known as Hampa. He is also sometimes called the “foundational
Pampa” (mūlapampa) or “the first Pampa” (ādipampa) to differentiate him from the poet Nāgacandra who went by the title “the new Pampa” (abhinavapampa). Ferdinand Kittel,
Nāgavarama’s Canarese Prosody (Mangalore: Basel Mission Book & Tract Depository, 1875), xlv.
style.188 Commencing with Pampa, the inaugural phase of Kannada writing lasted until the twelfth century and is known both as the “Jain yuga” or Jain age and as the “campū
period.”189 To be sure, this religious and literary periodization can be endlessly troubled.
Although Jains dominated in the use of the campū genre, they were not alone; Vaiṣṇava and Vīraśaiva poets also adopted the campū literary form although at a later date. Campū
kāvya also did not abruptly stop being produced in the twelfth century: examples of it exist into the fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries and even later if we include the neo- classical period of the Woḍeyar court.190 And if campū kāvya persisted into the medieval
or late medieval periods so too did poetry and literature produced by Jain poets. While never again as dominant on the literary scene, Jain poets were heavily patronized by the various medieval chieftains of coastal Karnataka such as the Ajilas and the Bairava Oḍeyars as well as by the Hoysaḷas, the Vijayanagara Empire, and finally the Woḍeyar dynasty. They wrote in ṣaṭpadi and tripadi meters and were among the first to experiment with sāṅgatya meter, which later became associated with the Vaiṣṇava Dāsa Sahitya
188 Śivakōṭi's Vaḍḍārādhane and the Cāvuṇḍarāya's Triṣaṣṭiśalākāpuruṣapurāṇaṃ, both
prose works from the tenth century, are the generic outliers. While the vast majority of
campū kāvyas were composed by Jains, there are several notable exceptions.
Rudrabhaṭt ̣̣a, a smarta Brahmin writer active in Hoysaḷa court of Vīraballala, wrote the Jagannāthavijayaṃ (1180 C.E.) in campū style as did the Brahmin Cāvuṇḍarasa who composed the Abhinavadaśakumāracarita (c. 1300 C.E.) in campū style in imitation of
Daṇḍin’s Daśakumāracarita. The Vīraśaivas too wrote campū kāvyas: Hariharawrote the
Girijākalyāṇaṃ (c. 12thC.E.),Dēvakavithe Kusumāvali Campū (1200 C.E.), and Siddhaliṅgayōgithe Rājēndravijayapurāṇaṃ (c. 16thC.E.).
189 Gil Ben-Herut, Narrating Devotion,129-132; T.V. Venkatachala Sastri, Pampa (New
Delhi: Sahitya Academy, 1987), 7; and A.K. Wader, Indian Kāvya Literature: The Bold
Style(Śaktibhadra to Dhanapāla) (Delhi: Motitlal Banarsidass, 1988), 658-659.The Jain/campū period was successively followed by the Vīraśaiva period that was also known as the ragaḷe or vacana period and a Vaiṣṇava or sāṅgatya period.
190 For example, Ṣadakṣaradēva’s three Kannada campū kāvyasRājasēkharavilāsaṃ,
movement. All this aside, the tenth to twelfth centuries are remarkable for their intensity of Kannada Jain literary activity almost exclusively in the campū genre.
Yet, the “Jainess” of Jain campū kāvya is not always apparent in the works themselves. Pampa’s Ādipurāṇaṃ, a celebration of the life of the first Tīrthaṅkara, is clearly a Jain religious poem. His Vikramārjunavijayaṃ, on the other hand, is not; it incorporates no discernible Jain elements and claims to follow Vyāsa’s traditional telling. Pampa himself captures the different orientations of his texts by stating, “On the entire surface of the world, I will make manifest here the entire Bhārata, the worldly, and there the Ādipurāṇaṃ, the Jain scripture.”191 Sheldon Pollock has made much of this poetic
division between the worldly (laukika) and the scriptural (jināgama or āgamika), going as far as to describe Sanskrit kāvya as, “this worldly (laukika) in its themes, even when these concerned the divine.”192 For Pollock, everything important about this literary
moment—from articulating a distinct vision of the political to the novelty of
vernacularization—occurs in Pampa’s Vikramārjunavijayaṃ, Pampa’s “secular kāvya,” and not in the Ādipurāṇaṃ, a text he literally relegates to a mere footnote in the
emergence of Kannada as a literary language.193 I want to push back against and refine Pollock’s understanding of Pampa’s differentiation between laukika and jināgama. From my reading of both texts, Pampa certainly did not consider one text as the site of true poetry and the other as its pale scriptural imitation. Rather, Pampa saw his two texts not in opposition, but as poetic twins with distinct subject matters equally valid for the purposes of kāvya. In the final chapter of the Vikramārjunavijayaṃ he refers to them
191VAV, v. 14.60 {campakamāle}. 192 Pollock, Language of the Gods, 13. 193 Ibid., 340, fn.18.
repeatedly as a pair that collectively “trampled all other poetry” (kabbam ene munnina kabbaman ellam ikki meṭṭiduvu—note the plural ending of the verb).194In Pampa’s eyes,
the Ādipurāṇaṃ had just as must to do if not more with establishing Kannada literary norms as the Vikramārjunavijayaṃ. While he refers to both his texts as kāvya, his larger metapoetic meditations on Kannada kāvya are in the Ādipurāṇaṃ while his broader reflections on language and place are found in the Vikramārjunavijayaṃ. Together they articulate the vision of language, power, place, and poetry that Pollock so artfully identifies.
For Pollock, Pampa’s genius lies in his ability to imagine Kannada as a literary language in the image of Sanskrit as proposed by the Kavirājamārgaṃ. In practice, what that entailed is what Pollock refers to as a massive Sanskrit lexical invasion of
Kannada.195 Indeed, the verses of Pampa’s poetry are filled with Sanskrit nouns
(tatsama), Sanskrit-derived nouns (tatbhava), Sanskrit compounds, and even Sanskrit- derived verbs produced through a Kannada verbal infix (isu) without nary a Dravidian noun in use. Pampa’s poetry often appears like Sanskrit reconfigured with Dravidian nominal declensions and verbal conjugations, somewhat akin to Tamil and Sanskrit
maṇipravalla, a form of writing in which the two languages are mixed together.196
Interestingly, of Pampa’s two texts, the Ādipurāṇaṃ is the more Sanskritized.197 His
emphasis on Sanskrit has profound effects on the ways in which Kannada words appear.
194VAV, v. 14.59 {campakamāle}.
195 Pollock, Language of the Gods, 126-127.
196 Unlike other Dravidian languages, Kannada never developed a formal maṇipravalla in
which Kannada and Sanskrit are mixed. This makes sense given that Kannada emerged as a literary language already deeply intertwined with Sanskrit.
Indeed, in at least one verse of the Ādipurāṇaṃ he attempts to write using only Dravidian words as if to show the reader that, if necessary, he can compose in that register too:
kiviyiṃ bagevuguvoḍe koṅ-
kuvetta posanuḍiye pugugum uḷidudu saṟusai tavacaṟane māḍī saṟusai-
tu vōkum ēṃ bageya baṭṭayaṃ muṭṭugumē. 198
Crooked new words enter the mind through the ear.
The remaining words straightforwardly enter through direct movement Do they touch the path of the heart?
With the exception of the Sanskrit-derived “avacaṟane,” this verse exclusively employs Dravidian words. Set within the Ādipurāṇaṃ’s pervasive Sanskritism, its effect is to transform the very Dravidianess of Kannada into a poetic ornament to be strategically and selectively deployed like a metaphor or alliteration, but not as a ubiquitous figure of language itself. The consequence of Kannada’s Sanskrit lexical invasion in Pampa’s writing is that Kannada itself was transformed into an aestheticized feature of poetry. The use of Kannada words in either Pampa’s Vikramārjunavijayaṃ or in his Ādipurāṇaṃ is never incidental, but always marshaled for poetic purposes.
Beyond exemplifying a particular moment of vernacularity, Pampa also inhabits a moment when our extant literary and epigraphical archive thicken. We have a much richer picture of Pampa’s biography, his relationship to his patron Eastern Cāḷukya King Arikēsari II (r. 930-55 C.E.)—a feudatory of Rāṣṭrakūṭa King Kṛṣṇa III (r. 939-67 C.E.)— his religious orientation, the circumstances of writing, his views on language and poetry, and his broader reception within Kannada literature.199 The primary sources that provide
198PĀP, v. 1.18 {kanda}.
199 Eastern Cāḷukya King Arikēsari II’s also patronized the Jain Sanskrit monastic poet
Sōmadēva Suri, a near contemporary of Pampa and the author of the Yaśastilaka (959
much of this information come from autobiographical accounts that the poet gives of himself in chapter one of the Ādipurāṇaṃ and chapter fourteen of the
Vikramārjunavijayaṃ, much of which is supported by the Kurkyāl Inscription composed by Pampa’s brother Jinavallabha.200 I want to suggest that the comparative trove of
information we have regarding Pampa, the very richness of this documentation, bespeaks a project of poetic self-fashioning that ultimately yielded a new figure: the lay Jain poet.201 Keep in mind, the poets heretofore focused upon were all monks. What is this
distinction, what does it matter, and what can it tell us? One immediate point to make is that it is precisely because Pampa was a lay Jain that we know so much about him; the lives of Jain monastic poets were circumscribed by monastic order and practice and, therefore, less than susceptible to narrativization. With the lay poet Pampa, the emergence of biographical life as narratable (and worthy of narration or even fame) provides us with an aperture into the material dynamics that undergirded literary production and court patronage—the very dynamics that are obscured, hidden, or seemingly problematic for Jain monastic poets in the court.202 Yet, lay practice does not
Jasaharacariu, Mahāpurāṇu (c. 959 C.E.), and Nāyakumāracariu, a contemporary of both Pampa and Sōmadēva Suri, was patronized by Bhārata and Nanne, father and son ministers of Rāṣṭrakūṭa king Kṛṣṇa III. Notably both the Sōmadēva Suri’s Yaśastilaka
and Puṣpādanta’s Mahāpurāṇu make reference to Kṛṣna III’s victory over the Cōḷas.
200 I am not the first to note the remarkable autobiographical information that Pampa
provides in his two texts. Robert Zydenbos focuses on this aspect of Pampa in his article, “The Beginnings of Biographical Writing in Southern India in the Tenth Century The
Ādipurāṇaṃ of Pampa” in Biographie als Weltliteratur: Eine Bestandsaufnahme der Biograpischen Literature im 10 Jahrhundert (Heidelberg: Mattes Verlag, 2009), 121-134.
201 After the spate of Sanskrit Jain monk poets in Amōghavarṣa’s court, the following
Kannada poets of the tenth to twelfth centuries were almost entirely lay-Jains, including Pampa, Ranna, Ponna, et. al.
202 Jain monks are not allowed to own personal property beyond their peacock broom
(piñchī) and water pot (kamaṇḍalu) and are not allowed to engage in monetary exchange. The precise mechanisms of Jain monks situated within courts is unclear. Were they even
translate secularity, but instead complexifies the role of religion in courts, in courtly literary production, in the literary work itself, and in the cultivation of literary languages.
Unsurprisingly, Pampa begins his Ādipurāṇaṃ by praising Ādinātha, followed by the luminaries of the Jain tradition. He then acknowledges the poets who came before him, and a succession of Jain monks.203 He describes the qualities of good poets and good
poetry. He then makes a surprising transition from the metapoetic to the biographical: This poem is eternally new to the world like an extremely deep ocean.
Therefore, Pampa is an “ocean of poetic virtue” [kavitāguṇārṇava].204
He alone is celebrated by the entire world, is motivated by increased prosperity, and attainment of the highest fame.
On account of promoting dharma during the course of mundane existence and on account of spreading that dharma,
he is called “the rising of the essence of saṃsāra” [saṃsārasārōdaya].
His charming style of speech shines like an ornament of Sarasvati, a notoriously beautiful woman.
Famous throughout the world, this very man is “the jeweled necklace of Sarasvati” [sarasvatīmaṇihāra].
His black skin is the color of the inside of a plantain tree. His hair is curly and pliant. His face is a lotus. His waist is soft. His speech is beneficial, succinct, and tender.
His apparel is beautiful, charming, and agreeable. He is the best among the people born in the Vatsa Kula.
He is devoted to his family. He is the image of self-confidence. He does not covet the fame of good poets.
He speech is filled with flowing nectar.
He fame extends like the moon during the month of Śarat.
He is the moon to Kuvalaya forest that is the side glances of women. He is the jewel on the girdles on the hips of young women.
He is the jeweled necklace on the breasts of damsels stooped over from the weight of their breasts.
physically present in the court? Was patronage routed to temples or monasteries? Or, improbably, did monks actually receive financial payment?
203 More specifically, he praises Ādinātha, the perfected ones (siddhas), the teachers
(acāryas), the teachers (upādhyāyas), the monks (sādhus), the goddesses Cakrēśvari and Sarasvati, and the śrutaskanda (a visual representation of the lost Jain scriptures as a tree). He then moves on to acknowledge the Sāmantabhadra, Kaviparamēṣṭhi, and Pūjyapāda followed by the monks Gṛdhapincācārya, Jacācārya, Kīrtyācārya, Siddhanta Munīśvara, Dēvēndra, Jayanandi, Kondakunda, and Akalaṅkadēva.
He is the “jeweled necklace of Sarasvati” [sarasvatīmaṇihāra]. He is the red jewel on the waist cord of Kerala dancers.
He is the mirror of young Malaya woman.
He is the necklace on the firm beautiful breasts of Andhra women.
He is the illustrious “jeweled necklace of Sarasvati” [sarasvatīmaṇihāra]. Pampa has a voice deep like a dundubhi drum.
He was born in the year Dundubhi.
His fame is obvious like the sound of a dundubhi drum.
He is the bee on the lotus feet of the lord of Simhasanasuradundbhi. Having said like this. I was given a name out of their own affection.
When the group of scholars says, “Please tell this” then I resolved to tell it. Is it even possible for me to say this story that was narrated by a Gaṇadhara? This story has depth that comes from the succession of Jinas beginning with Purudēva,
to the lineage of the gaṇadharas
and from this lineage extending to famous Vīrasēna and Ācārya Jinasēna. They are endowed with knowledge and success. I am not so bold.
Why did I even contemplate swimming this ocean in the form of a story?
What is the fruit desired in this poem? Veneration, fame, and profit, these are enough. The worship of the Jinēndras with stōtras eulogizing their qualities
is praised in the world.
This produces fame, liberation, and benefits.
Does it not come? What is given by others? What is done by others? What is possible through others?
As if saying that unparalleled merit always comes to him who thinks, he loved those who praise the famous Indra and Narēndra.
He systematically deliberated to the point of becoming absorbed to him. He collected and described this story in poetry.
Is it possible to say this in that way, in this way, and in the middle way?