The notion of fit between an organization and an individual has been broadly studied in the literature, and it can be broadly summarized as the compatibility between a person and an organization, as measured by the congruence between an organization’s structure and processes and an employee’s need, and the coherence between a person’s values and personality and an organization’s culture, norms, and climate (Bretz & Judge, 1994; Cable & Judge, 1994; Kristoff, 1996; Turpin, 2012, p. 15). There is broad
an individual and an institution (Arthur & Kram, 1989). The multiple reasons why fit is important include increased likelihood of retention and avoidance of an expensive and embarrassing presidential derailing; higher satisfaction both personally and professionally for the president; improved outcomes and success for the institution; and less disruption to the institution (Cohen & March, 1986; Fisher & Koch, 1996; McLaughlin & Riesman, 1990; McLaughlin, 1996; Pierce, 2011; Sanaghan et al., 2008; Trachtenberg et al., 2013). Clearly, fit is a two-way process although its importance and emphasis is often seen from the vantage point of the institution’s and role’s needs.
Pre-presidential career pathways represent decision points where candidates and institutions have made multiple decisions about fit. It is in the final ascension to a presidency where the two-way dance of fit plays out between candidate and institution. After the institutional context is understood, the desired role and qualifications of the president agreed upon, and the selection process (including its committee and search firm) in place with a roster of traditional and nontraditional candidates, the most
critical—and perhaps most subjective—step is to select the president with the best fit for the challenge. Given the shortening tenures of presidents, and many high-profile failures, selecting a president where there is good fit and success is difficult and often not
achieved (Fisher, 1996; McLaughlin & Riesman, 1990; McLaughlin, 1996; Pierce, 2011; Sanaghan et al., 2008; Trachtenberg et al., 2013). Fisher and Koch (1996) bluntly put it this way, “In most institutions today, the search process is fundamentally flawed. Either a good committee is doing the wrong things, or a poorly constituted committee is doing the right things. In either case, the next president is a compromise” (p. 275). McLaughlin (1996) observes that early exits in failed presidencies can be grouped into three
categories: “admissions mistakes” where the suitability of the candidates’ intrinsic abilities are questioned; “industrial accidents” where events at an institution spiraled out of control; and “irreconcilable differences” in relationships between the president and stakeholders (pp. 10–11). Of these, the first and third categories clearly relate to fit.
Given the diversity of colleges, and the universe of candidates, clearly there is no absolute standard or formula to determine fit, as ultimately it is in the eyes of the
beholder. McLaughlin and Riesman (1990) argue that there is no one way of determining fit and that “leadership is always contextual” (p. 306). Pierce (2011) argues for the importance of fit and notes that every search committee is trying to understand fit with culture, values, and style. As she writes, “Because every campus has its own culture, its own traditions, even its own idiosyncrasies, the notion of fit is real” (loc. 2930). AGB (2012) lays out the responsibilities for the board and search committee and provides checklists of duties. Fisher and Koch (1996) spell out a detailed weekly checklist for the search process and lament that the shared governance nature of the search process has become more important than the outcome itself. Bornstein (2003) adds that the search committee’s composition is critical to ensuring fit and that the search process gains the legitimacy it requires from the constituencies expecting representation (loc. 3394).
There are several things candidates can do to increase the likelihood of fit as seen by the institution. Pierce (2011) cites well-written cover letters, tailored CVs, campus visits, quality references, thorough preparation, astute and culturally sensitive answers during interviews, and judicious use of search executives, among others. Bornstein (2003) articulates that the search process should be an opportunity for the candidate to gain an understanding of an institution’s history, values, and goals as well as the
expectations of various constituencies, and suggests that candidates put everything on the table to ensure transparency and the best possibility for fit.
A search process is a two-way street with candidates determining if they want the institution, and the institution assessing their needs, which vary from one search and institution to another (McLaughlin & Reisman, 1990; Moody, 1997). Duke and Iwanicki suggest that fit may be a function of the expectations of the candidate and the institution; lack of fit can occur when the expectations of stakeholders, which can vary from one group to another, are not met (p. 28). Sometimes “fit goes beyond meeting the real job expectations and includes personal characteristics, such as . . . socioeconomic,
educational, or cultural background” (p. 32). Duke and Iwaniki argue that sometimes the expectations of various stakeholders are so thoroughly incompatible that effective leadership is an impossibility . . . but that candidates can nonetheless try to
influence the perceptions of fit and make necessary adjustments if they at least acknowledge the existence of fit and try to understand it. (p. 35)
Far less has been written about how individual presidential candidates should approach the process of understanding whether a particular presidency is a good fit for them, whether it will fulfill their hopes and dreams, and be compatible with their personal and professional profile, strengths, and weaknesses. In seeking to understand the
institution fully, candidates need not only to assess whether they are a good fit for the institution, but also whether the institution is a good fit for them. In so doing, candidates need to assess candidly whether they are seeking the presidency for the right reasons (Trachtenberg et al., 2013). If well done, the search process can accurately ascertain fit, create a solid transition, and dramatically enhance the legitimacy of the new president. Mundinger (1982), in a study of independent college presidents, cautions that candidates
president is so intense that it interferes with good judgment” (p. 45). Barbara Moody (1997) provides a framework with seven elements of fit that should be considered from the point of view of the candidate: personal conditions, expectations, and motivations; president’s job; timing and readiness; institutional characteristics and setting; fit with institutional needs and expectations; cultural compatibility and fit with institutional culture; and interpersonal chemistry and fit with institutional members (pp. 49, 52).
Although presidential searches are competitive and known generally to have several candidates with the qualifications necessary to do the job, it is nevertheless important for strong candidates to understand that they are also a “buyer” and therefore need to explore each opportunity thoroughly. Suggestions on how to do so are limited. It is equally clear that there is no one definition of “the right fit” and that fit is a deeply personal consideration. Moody (1997), in researching how 15 college and university presidents assessed fit as candidates, concluded: (1) that candidates looked for different areas of fit particular to them and that when it was deemed good enough a turning point occurred; (2) that the desire for the presidency and its prestige often overshadowed the evaluation of fit, and that in cases where fit was known to be low, that some candidates thought they could overcome it once in office; (3) that some aspects of the process, such as lack of confidentiality or too broad participation actually inhibited an authentic assessment of fit; (4) that candidates benefitted from multiple search experiences that honed their ability to assess fit; and (5) that those candidates who had a sense of strong fit during the process were more likely to have a positive experience thereafter (pp. 165–72).
Little has been written about how nontraditional candidates establish fit in higher education or have thought about and experienced fit in the selection process. For many
new presidents, the notion of fit is often put to the test when change is required. In a study of 15 new college presidents from a range of nontraditional and traditional backgrounds, Gregg Glover (2005) examined how new presidents approach change in the transition period and determined that there were many commonalities between nontraditional and traditional candidates, with some notable exceptions being that nontraditional candidates were more comfortable with strategic planning and traditional candidates with academic changes. There was also a notable tendency for nontraditional college presidents to pay more attention to budgetary issues since they disproportionately were recruited to turn around financially strapped institutions (pp. 167–69). Thus,
understanding the context and figuring out which situations will best allow a nontraditional candidate to leverage his or her strengths appears important.
How nontraditional candidates assess fit in the selection process and subsequently have a positive transition process—specifically in the liberal arts context—is largely anecdotal. Search consultants Shelly Storbeck and Susan Frost suggest major trends at liberal arts colleges that presidential candidates must account for when assessing fit. First is a changed economic sphere catalyzed by the recession of 2008, technological
discontinuities, and geo-demographic changes resulting in budget deficits, aid cuts, and rising competition for students and philanthropy. The second trend is
a growing culture clash as a younger generation of business and technology leaders, many . . . successful entrepreneurs or venture investors, step into leadership positions on higher education boards . . . for the most part, they do not favor the collaborative, incremental approaches that are a hallmark of the academy. (as cited in Chopp, 2013, loc. 1170)
Eckel (2006) suggests that nontraditional presidents may be more familiar with college boards, but face the challenge of ensuring they can bridge to the faculty. Trustee
activism and its impact on the presidency are unlikely to abate any time soon (p. 138). The importance of fit in the selection process, and frameworks for how to think about it, from both the point of view of the selection committee and the candidate are well established. However, how nontraditional presidents—from all universities and the liberal arts in particular—have thought about and experienced fit in practice is a critical element that has not been explored. Further, little has been written about how
nontraditional candidates move from a successful selection to a productive transition. Chapter 7 analyzes nontraditional presidents’ experiences regarding fit and transition.